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MACHINE  POLITICS 


AND 


I 


EY  IN  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY 


BY 


mm 


WILLIAM   M.»  IVINS 


Copyright,  1887,  by  Harper  A  Brothers 


i  yon  may  hold  readily  in  your  hand  are  the  most  useful,  after  all 

Dr.  Johnson 


NEW    YORK 


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P  UBLISHERS'  AD  VER  TISEMENT. 

No  recent  presentation  of  the  abuses  which  have  become  part  of 
the  working  of  the  political  machinery  of  our  great  cities  has  at- 
tracted so  much  public  attention  as  that  made  by  Mr.  Wm.  M.  Ivins, 
the  City  Chamberlain  of  New  York.  His  address  before  the  Com- 
monwealth Club,  with  its  supplementary  papers,  has  formed  the  sub- 
ject of  newspaper  discussion  throughout  the  country,  and  has  awa- 
kened an  amount  of  interest  in  the  reform  of  party  methods  of 
nomination  and  election  which  is  well  calculated  to  encourage  those 
who  have  long  regarded  this  reform  as  one  of  the  most  pressing 
necessities  of  our  time.  We  have  asked  Mr.  Ivins  to  place  these 
papers  at  our  disposal,  with  the  view  of  satisfying  a  general  desire 
to  obtain  them  in  a  compact  and  collected  form.  With  the  addi- 
tion of  two  of  Mr.  Ivins's  articles,  originally  published  in  Harper's 
Weekly,  the  series  will  be  found  to  constitute  a  work  of  exception- 
al value,  possessing,  as  it  does,  the  character  of  a  treatise,  at  once 
exhaustive  and  thoroughly  readable,  on  a  subject  of  vital  importance 
to  the  people  of  this  city,  and  bearing  with  manifest  directness  on 
the  conditions  of  pure  politics  in  every  part  of  the  country.  As  an 
aid  to  the  political  education  of  young  men,  the  book  is  no  less  val- 
uable than  as  a  guide  to  the  promoters  of  reform  legislation,  and 
a  contribution  to  the  knowledge  possessed  by  the  great  body  of 
voters  in  regard  to  abuses  which  have  done  so  much  to  obstruct 
the  exercise  of  popular  sovereignty.  We  have  pleasure  in  accom- 
panying this  little  volume  with  the  assurance  that  its  author  pos- 
sesses, in  a  very  uncommon  degree,  the  ability  to  discuss  his  subject 
with  authority,  clearness,  and  force,  and  we  commend  it  very  cord- 
ially to  the  attention  of  all  patriotic  citizens. 

HARPER  &  BROTHERS. 

Franklin  Square,  Nkw  York,  April  4, 18S7. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


The  papers  here  published  were  entirely 
occasional  in  their  character.  The  first  chap- 
ter was- originally  printed  in  the  form  of  two 
articles  in  Harper1 8  Weekly  in  the  fall  of  1884; 
the  second  and  third  chapters  were  part  of 
a  speech  delivered  at  the  February,  1887, 
dinner  of  the  Commonwealth  Club  of  New 
York.  When  asked  to  estimate  the  cost  of 
an  election  in  New  York  City,  I  found  it 
necessary,  in  order  to  make  the  matter  clear, 
to  discuss  not  only  our  existing  election  law, 
but  the  relation  of  our  party  machinery  to 
that  law ;  and  inasmuch  as  a  knowledge  of 
the  constitution  of  the  "  Machine "  is  abso- 
lutely essential  to  an  intelligent  understand- 


4  PREFACE. 

ing  of  the  motives  and  methods  of  the  use 
of  money  in  our  elections,  I  have  now  thought 
it  advisable  to  introduce  the  entire  subject 
by  the  description  of  the  "Machine"  con- 
tained in  the  first  chapter.  The  fourth  and 
fifth  chapters  were  called  out  by  the  gen- 
eral interest  shown  by  the  press  and  the 
public  after  the  publication  of  the  speech 
at  the  Commonwealth  Club.  They  were 
contributed  to  the  New  York  Evening  Pod, 
with  the  view  of  somewhat  elaborating  the 
points  already  touched  upon,  as  well  as  of 
suggesting  a  remedy  for  the  evils  which  I 
had  already  tried  to  describe.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  in  reprinting  these  papers  I 
should  also  present  a  draft  of  a  bill  embody- 
ing the  general  suggestions  contained  in  the 
English  law,  and  adapting  them  to  our  own 
system  of  election  machinery.  After  mature 
consideration,  I  have  thought  it  better  to 
leave  such  a  draft-bill  as  I  had  prepared  un- 
published for  the  present.    Furthermore,  this 


PREFACE.  5 

course  will  have  the  effect  of  attracting  all 
adverse  criticism  to  the  general  plan,  and  not 
to  any  special  details  of  a  remedial  measure. 
It  is  much  better,  at  the  present  time,  that  the 
general  outlines  of  the  English  s)7stem  should 
be  discussed  than  that  criticism  should  be 
diverted  to  the  consideration  of  minor  details, 
such  as  the  number  of  new  officers  to  be  ap- 
pointed to  distribute  the  ballots  at  each  poll- 
ing-place, the  number  of  agents  to  be  allowed 
to  each  candidate,  the  limit  of  permissible 
expenditure,  etc.  I  am  convinced  that  the 
fastening  of  attention  on  these  subordinate 
and  variable  features  would  now  be  a  mis- 
take, for  we  are  not  yet  near  enough  the  time 
when  it  shall  be  necessary  to  determine  upon 
them  irrevocably.  The  bill  when  prepared 
should  be  the  result  of  the  most  mature 
thought  of  the  most  experienced  men,  and 
one  which  will  meet  all  possible  objection 
other  than  such  as  may  be  fundamental  and 
general.     I  therefore  think  it  wiser  not  to 


6  PREFACE. 

propose  a  detailed  measure  until  the  debate 
has  been  completed,  and  yielded  its  full  fruit 
of  suggestion  and  criticism.  I  hold  with 
Renan  that  "  Time  is  the  necessary  collabo- 
rator of  reason.  The  main  point  is  to  know 
how  to  wait." 

I  have  added,  in  the  form  of  an  Appendix, 
a  chapter  on  the  actual  results  of  the  present 
English  law  as  compared  with  those  of  a 
time  antecedent  to  its  enactment,  which  I 
hope  will  be  found  of  interest  to  all  students 
of  the  subject,  although  it  is  scarcely  more 
than  a  compendium  of  newspaper  articles. 

I  now  offer  the  following  pages  to  the  pub- 
lic simply  as  documents  pour  servir,  in  the 
sincere  hope  that  they  may  aid  in  the  solu- 
tion of  the  very  difficult  problem  of  demo- 
cratic government  in  great  cities. 

W.  M.  I. 

New  York,  March,  1887. 


MACHINE  POJLITJCS 

*77"  J.  -,  >      > 


1VTV  >  °  *  m        >   _        *        > 


MONEY  IN  ELECTIONS 


IN 

NEW  YORK   CITY. 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE    MACHINE. 


/It  has  been  truly  said  that  a  citizen  of  New 
York  generally  knows  little,  if  anything,  more  of 
the  actual  organization  of  political  parties  in  this 
city  than  a  Frenchman  or  an  EnglishmajiJ  The 
external  working  of  party  machinery  is  familiar, 
but  the  methods  and  motives  which  control  the 
Machines  are  very  little  understood.  The  Machine 
may  be  organized  nominally  on  the  basis  of  As- 
sembly Districts,  as  in  Tammany  Hall  and  the  Re- 
publican party,  or  on  that  of  Election  Districts,  as 
in  the  County  Democracy ;  but  there  is  really  no 
difference  between  the  two  systems,(the  actual  unit 


8  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

of  organization  always  being  the  Assembly  Dis- 
trict) Of  these  latter  there  are  in  the  city  of  New- 
York  twenty-four,  which,  in  turn,  are  at  present 
(2387)  divided  into  eight  hundred  and  twelve  elec- 
tion'clrstti'dtfe,  as  will  be  shown  more  in  detail  here- 
after. The  Machine"  is  governed  directly  from  the 
centre,  and  is  a  close  corporation.  The  Assembly 
District  organizations  receive  their  policy,  even  in 
matters  purely  local,  from  the  central  authority, 
although  this  is  not  so  uniformly  the  rule  in  the 
Republican  as  in  the  Democratic  party. 
C Nominally  all  power  ultimately  falls  into  the 
hands  of  a  caucus  of  the  leaders  of  the  twenty- 
four  Assembly  Districts,  but  it  actually  rests  with 
one  or  perhaps  half  a  dozen  individuals  in  this 
interior  cabal,  who  are  absolute. '  This  one  or  these 
few  are  men  who  hold  prominent  offices,  or  who 
have  independent  means  and  are  ambitious  for 
control.  The  former  of  these  two  classes  supply 
offices  for  their  subordinates  and  followers,  and 
the  latter  class  contribute  out  of  their  personal 
means  for  campaign  purposes.  In  conference — 
which  is  a  formality  always  strictly  adhered  to — 
these  leaders  can  invariably  compel  adherence  to 
their  views  by  at  least  a  majority  of  the  caucus, 


THE  MACHINE.  9 

and  thus  through  the  formal  government  of  the 
majority  give  the  semblance  of  democratic  meth- 
ods to  the  course  pursued.  In  these  caucuses  the 
inquiry  is  not  what  the  district  leaders  or  the  peo- 
ple of  the  districts  really  think  best,  but  what  the 
few  men  in  control  have  decided  upon.  So  true 
is  this  that  there  are  few  men  of  practical  experi- 
ence in  politics  who  have  not  at  times  heard  as 
serious  complaints  from  the  captains  of  tens  and 
of  hundreds  because  of  their  inability  to  find  out 
exactly  what  is  expected  of  them,  as  because  they 
are  deprived  of  a  voice  in  framing  the  policy  of 
the  party. 

{A  single  department  is  of  itself  enough  to  fur- 
nish the  foundations  of  a  Machine.  It  only  re- 
quires that  the  department  be  one  in  which  there 
are  a  score  of  fair  places  for  superior  politicians, 
and  a  laborers'  pay-roll  for  the  rank  and  file.  A 
great  department  like  that  of  the  Public  Works 
can,  when  in  the  hands  of  a  politician,  always  be 
controlled  for  the  maintenance  of  a  powerful  or- 
ganization which  shall  for  all  practical  purposes 
be  the  personal  property  of  the  departmental  head  J 
( The  better  offices  are  distributed  among  those  who 
are  expected  to  fill  the  position  of  district  leaders ; 


10  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

or  if,  as  is  frequently  the  case,  some  man  who  has 
a  passion  for  politics,  but  who  does  not  care  for 
an  office,  assumes  the  leadership  of  a  district,  one 
of  the  better  offices  is  given  to  such  person  as  he 
shall  select,  who  becomes  the  district  lieutenant. 

/These  leaders  and  lieutenants  are  expected,  in  con- 
formity with  the  tacitly  understood  terms  of  their 
contract,  to  obey  the  central  power  uncomplain- 
ingly, and  to  devote  so  much  of  their  days,  nights, 
and  salaries  as  may  be  necessary  to  keep  their 
districts  properly  organized,  and  as  much  of  the 
remnant  of  their  time  as  they  conveniently  can  to 
the  service  of  the  city.  The  offices  thus  come  to 
be  regarded  by  professionals  simply  as  a  means  of 

,  supplying  a  livelihood  to  those  who  are  willing  to 
devote  themselves  to  politics  and  the  service  of 
their  leaders.)  In  other  words,  the  offices  only  too 
frequently  are  used  merely  as  a  means  of  paying 
politicians  for  pursuing  their  profession  in  the  serv- 
ice of  a  party  or  of  a  particular  individual.  ^And 
while  a  majority  of  the  leaders  and  subordinates 
who  hold  office  perform  sufficiently  faithful  serv- 
ice to  the  city,  but  a  small  minority  escape  the  de- 
tailed duties  of  the  Machine  in  addition  to  those 
which  they  render  the  public  officially.^  (The  capi- 


THE  MACHINE.  11 

tal  of  the  Machines  thus  consists  of  the  nine  thou- 
sand nine  hundred  and  fifty-five  subordinate  places 
on  the  pay-rolls;  this  number  does  not  include  the 
Congressmen,  Senators,  Assemblymen,  Aldermen, 
and  eighty-three  important  officers,  such  as  heads 
of  city  departments  or  bureaus,  nor  does  it  include 
any  subordinate  employes  of  the  state  or  national 
Government  whatever/. 

The  duties  of  an  Assembly  District  leader  are 
manifold.  If  he  wishes  a  strong  following  in  his 
district  he  must  be  at  the  service  day  and  night 
of  his  neighbors,  who,  in  return  for  the  services 
rendered  them,  are  willing  to  attend  primaries  or 
vote  at  elections.  A  young  man  is  arrested  for 
fast  driving :  the  district  leader  must  visit  a  police 
justice  and  intercede  for  him.  An  old  man  wants 
to  keep  an  apple-stand  on  a  frequented  corner:  the 
district  leader  must  see  his  Alderman  and  have  a 
special  ordinance  passed  over  the  Mayor's  veto.  A 
city  ordinance  has  been  violated,  and  the  violator 
reported  by  the  police  to  the  Corporation  Attor- 
ney:  the  district  leader  must  see  the  Corporation 
Attorney  and  have  the  complaint  pigeon-holed ; 
or,  if  he  fail  in  this,  he  must  see  the  justice  and 
have  it  dismissed  when  it  is  called  for  trial.     If  a 


12  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

laborer  who  can  serve  him  is  out  of  work,  he  must 
find  something  for  him  to  do  on  the  streets,  or  on 
the  aqueduct,  or  in  the  parks.  If  a  builder  em- 
ploying a  number  of  men,  or  a  lot-owner  who  is 
putting  up  a  house,  wants  four  or  five  feet  of  the 
city's  property,  free  of  cost,  on  which  to  build  a 
"swell  front"  or  a  bay-window,  the  leader  must 
see  that  the  application  runs  through  the  board, 
with  or  without  the  Mayor's  consent.  If  a  corpo- 
ration wants  to  dig  a  vault  under  the  street  to  its 
very  centre,  he  must  lend  a  hand  to  put  the  matter 
through.  If  a  liquor  dealer  is  arrested  for  selling 
without  a  license,  he  must  leave  no  stone  unturned 
to  secure  his  escape  unpunished.  Finally,  if  a  poor 
devil  is  in  want  of  a  dollar,  he  must  let  him  have 
it.  (He  must  attend  all  political  meetings,  go  to 
clnb  picnics,  attend  church  fairs,  not  permit  him- 
self to  be  forgotten  in  the  liquor  stores  and  other 
places  of  frequent  resort,  and  must  hold  himself 
generally  in  readiness  to  do  whatever  is  required 
o£  him  by  the  superior  chiefs.] 
(He  needs  a  number  of  captains,  and  if  any  re- 
spect be  paid  to  the  plan  of  organization  on  the 
basis  of  election  districts,  he  should  have  one  in 
each  of  these  minor  divisions.")  \Each  of  these  cap- 


THE  MACHINE. 

tains  has  some  sort  of  place  for  himself,  or  hislsoiJj 
or  his  nephew,  and  has  some  sort  of  control  over 
the  voters  of  two  or  three  thickly  populated  houses. 
If  he  is  enterprising,  he  buys  a  horse  and  cart  and 
hires  a  driver,  and  then  has  them  employed  in  the 
service  of  the  city,  in  street  repairs,  in  removing 
ashes  and  sweepings,  or  in  sprinkling  the  streets. 
If  he  is  enabled  to  put  two  or  three  carts  to  work, 
he  is  .peculiarly  fortunate,  is  sure  of  an  income, 
can  enjoy  his  leisure,  and  devote  himself  to  demon- 
strating the  honesty,  capacity,  and  superior  democ- 
racy or  republicanism  of  his  employers,  besides 
doing  all  manner  of  neighborly  offices  for  those 
who  may  need  them.  He  obeys  his  Assembly  Dis- 
trict leader,  whoever  he  may  be,  respecting  the  of- 
fice rather  than  the  man.  Whenever  the  central 
caucus  or  the  boss  desires  it,  they  can  reorganize 
the  district,  and  select  a  new  leader,  to  whom  all 
the  captains  must  report,  or  surrender  their  liv- 
ings. They  consequently  succumb,  and  give  the 
most  perfect  demonstration  of  the  "  cohesive  pow- 
er of  public  plunder,"  or,  as  Demosthenes  called 
it,  the  "  cement  of  office."  Cohere  is  no  patronage, 
however,  that  a  district  leader  desires  so  much  and 
seeks  so  eagerly  as  places  on  the  police  force.     As 


14  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

a  patrolman  his  friend  can,  in  an  unobtrusive  and 
quiet  way,  render  him  and  the  party  valuable  serv- 
icer) A  roundsman  is  more  desirable  still,  while  a 
sergeant  or  captain  is  a  real  power  if  he  takes  any 
interest  in  politics — and  some  of  them  do. 

It  is  in  this  connection  that  the  Civil  Service 
laws  are  destined  to  play  havoc  with  the  Machine, 
because,  although  removals  for  disobedience  of  po- 
litical orders  can  still  be  made,  the  places  qannot 
be  disposed  of  to  new  men.  The  most  thorough- 
going Machine  politician,  if  Commissioner  of  Pub- 
lic Works  or  of  Street  Cleaning,  could  no  longer 
make  either  of  those  departments  the  cadre  of  a 
political  organization  in  the  good  old  -  fashioned 
way,  for  all  appointments  other  than  of  laborers 
and  heads  of  bureaus  have  now  to  be  made  from 
lists  submitted  by  the  Civil  Service  examiners. 
Consequently  it  is  now  better  for  a  commissioner, 
if  a  politician,  to  overlook  political  disobedience, 
if  not  too  grave,  than  to  create  a  vacancy,  and  run 
the  risk  of  losing  the  political  value  of  the  place 
altogether  through  the  possible  necessity  for  ap- 
pointing some  qualified  veteran  of  the  war,  some 
person  of  opposite  political  faith,  or  some  gradu- 
ate from  a  counting-house,  who  may  have  taken  a 


THE  MACHINE.  15 

high  mark  in  the  competitive  examinations.  The 
politicians,  always  fertile  in  expedients,  are  con- 
tinually inventing  ways  to  evade  the  spirit  of  these 
laws,  but  it  will  not  be  long  before  their  resources 
for  evasion  shall  be  exhausted  and  all  possible  con- 
tingencies fully  provided  for  by  the  regulations 
and  schedules. 

In  this  way  a  compact  body  of  men  is  always  in 
existence  for  party  purposes.  (jFirst,  there  are  the 
bosses,  sachems,  commissioners,  or  what  not ;  then 
the  Assembly  District  leaders;  then  eight  hun- 
dred or  more  minor  lieutenants  or  election  dis- 
trict captains  for  each  organization,  each  of  whom 
can  command  the  services,  in  return  for  those  ren- 
dered by  themselves,  of  from  five  to  ten  voters^) 
The  figures  thus  run  up  into  thousands,  and  the 
organization  not  only  being  compact,  but  reaching 
(into  every  district,  the  material  exists  for  large  and 
enthusiastic  mass-meetings,  for  well-attended  pri- 
maries, for  an  active  canvass  throughout  the  city, 
and,  above  all,  for  a  thorough  manning  of  the 
polls  on  election  day.  The  internal  organization 
of  parties  is  such  that  independent  and  thoughtful 
voters  can  take  part  in  preliminary  party  activity 
only  as  counters  in  a  game  played  by  professionals, 


16  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

or  at  the  cost  of  seeing  every  effort  at  indepen- 
dent activity  nullified  by  the  power  of  the  Ma- 
chine. Sometimes  this  nullification  is  effected  by 
a  suborned  majority,  sometimes  by  physical  vio- 
lence, and  sometimes  through  outright  fraud  and 
the  falsification  of  the  records.  If  this  be  ob- 
jected to,  and  an  appeal  be  taken  to  the  central 
body,  a  hearing  may  be  accorded,  but  there  is  no 
record  of  a  case  in  which  such  an  appeal  has  ever 
been  determined  against  the  district  leader,  or  the 
man  whom  the  "bosses"  had  prearranged  should 
be  assisted  to  supplant  the  district  leader. 
v^The  Machine  organization,  then,  takes  some  such 
form  as  this :  A  County  Committee,  consisting  of 
so  many  members  from  each  of  the  several  Assem- 
bly Districts,  who  in  their  several  localities  make 
up  the  Assembly  District  committees ;  an  execu- 
tive committee  of  the  County  Committee,  made  up 
of  the  leaders  of  each  Assembly  District  and  a  few 
of  their  most  influential  lieutenants  and  friends; 
a  sub-committee  of  this  executive  committee,  con- 
sisting of  the  Assembly  District  leaders,  about 
twenty-four  in  number,  who  in  their  turn  are  gov- 
erned by  those  who  employ  them  for  political  serv- 
ice and  pay  them  out  of  the  public  fund.     The 


THE  MACHINE.  17 

boss  consults  with  the  leaders,  and  does  what  they 
wish  if  it  accords  with  his  views ;  otherwise  the 
leaders  do  what  the  boss  wishes.  Then  they  call 
the  Executive  Committee  together  in  order  that 
it  may  act  spontaneously  in  the  premises,  which  it 
generally  does  in  such  a  way  as  to  prove  conclu- 
sively the  unanimity  of  purpose  in  that  body. 
The  necessary  resolutions  are  then  passed  for  sub- 
mission by  way  of  report  to  the  General  Commit- 
tee of  the  county,  by  whom  they  are  uniformly 
carried,  thus  expressing  the  single  will  of  that  body. 
At  first  sight  it  would  appear  that  a  body  of  two 
thousand  or  more  men  could  not  be  easily  handled, 
and  neither  could  it  be  if  each  one  had  individual 
views;  but  the  politicians  well  know  that,  with 
such  organizations  as  theirs,  a  large  body  is  much 
more  easily  managed  than  a  small  one.  Each  dis- 
trict leader  is  expected  to,  and  does,  answer  for  his 
district  contingent,  and  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
consequently,  it  only  needs  that  thirteen  out  of  the 
twenty-four  leaders  should  be  agreed  for  these  thir- 
teen to  carry  committee  or  convention,  since  they 
are  really  and  directly  responsible  for  all  of  the 
representatives  from  their  districts.  This  rule 
works  particularly  well  in  the  case  of  certain  con- 
2 


18  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

ventions,  like  the  County  Convention,  where  there 
are  always  two  thousand  or  more  delegates,  and 
which  Convention  is  practically  the  General  Com- 
mittee under  another  name.  The  twenty-four  lead- 
ers first  having  agreed  wTith  the  boss  upon  a  ticket, 
the  Convention  is  called  together,  and  the  twenty- 
four  (who  are  always  members  of  the  Convention), 
through  their  subordinates,  confirm  the  work  as 
agreed  upon.  If  any  one  objects  he  is  laughed  at ; 
perhaps  he  is  heard,  but  no  harm  is  done,  and  the 
vote  will  stand  anywhere  from  unanimity  to  two 
thousand  against  ten  or  a  hundred. 

By  such  a  Machine  the  politicians  really  control 
the  city,  for  they  know  that  the  very  laws  con- 
spire in  their  favor.  4he  politicians  begin  by 
making  it  impossible  for  any  man  who  earns  his 
living  outside  of  politics  to  keep  up  with  them, 
and  then  the  law  steps  in  and  calls  for  the  elec- 
tion of  so  many  persons  that  it  is  practically  im- 
possible for  the  voter  to  learn  anything  about  the 
candidates,  or  to  wisely  determine  for  whom  he 
should  vote,  much  less  to  put  any  one  in  nomi- 
nation with  the  hope  of  election.  He  usually 
falls  back  upon  his  party  nominee,  and  so  the  Ma- 
chine is  justified  and  kept  in  power  by  the  votes 


THE  MACHINE.  19 

of  the  very  people  whom  it  has  practically  de- 
prived of  political  equality.]  In  this  way  leaders 
who  do  not  get  appointive  offices  are  elected  to 
the  Board  of  Aldermen,  the  Senate,  the  Assem- 
bly, or  to  a  civil  justiceship,  as  the  case  may  be. 
Thus  the  vicious  circle  is  completed. 

The  politicians  and  many  of  the  newspapers 
alike  say  that  the  remedy  is  for  the  people  to  at- 
tend the  primaries.  Now  of  these  latter  there  are 
three  classes :  the  Republican,  where  the  voting  is 
done  by  Assembly  Districts  and  from  the  rolls  of 
the  district  organization  ;  the  Tammany,  where  it 
is  done  by  Assembly  Districts,  and  where  every 
one  whom  the  inspectors  permit  may  vote;  and 
the  County  Democracy,  where  it  is  done  by  elec- 
tion districts  and  from  the  registry  lists.  In  the 
case  of  the  Republican  primaries  the  elections  are 
controlled  by  committees  on  Revision  of  Rolls,  by 
shortening  the  hours  for  voting,  by  loading  the 
line,  and  by  the  inspectors  who  make  the  returns. 
In  the  case  of  Tammany  there  is  nothing  to  be 
done  except  formally  to  register  the  will  of  the 
leader,  and  what  is  called  the  primary  is  usually 
only  a  gathering  of  the  clans  to  get  a  drink,  and 
incidentally  vote  the  ticket  put  into  their  hands. 


20  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

In  the  case  of  the  County  Democracy  there  is  a 
greater  show  of  fairness  at  the  polls  in  election 
districts,  but  one  can  never  tell  who  has  been 
elected  in  case  of  a  contest  until  the  matter  has 
been  submitted  to  a  committee  on  contested  seats, 
and  then  the  overwhelming  strength  and  startling 
regularity  of  the  leader's  friends  are  always  dem- 
onstrated. A  point  of  the  utmost  consequence  is 
the  determination  of  the  place  at  which  the  pri- 
mary is  to  be  held,  and  the  place  being  named  by 
the  district  leader,  the  voting  is  usually  done  at 
that  liquor  store,  cigar  store,  livery-stable,  or  other 
place  where  the  contestant  favored  by  the  leader 
can  best  control  the  house,  its  exits  and  entrances, 
and  can  most  easily  and  speedily  gather  his  voters 
together.  As  a  consequence,  nothing  is  more  ea- 
gerly sought  for,  where  it  is  apparent  that  there 
is  to  be  a  closely  contested  primary,  than  the  de- 
termination of  the  place  for  holding  it. 

The  following  very  instructive  table  has  been 
prepared  by  Mr.  Robert  Graham,  of  New  York, 
showing  how  many  of  the  primary  and  conven- 
tion meetings  held  immediately  preceding  the 
election  of  1884  were  held  in  liquor  saloons  or 
next  door  to  them  :* 

*  See  Appendix  L 


THE  MACHINE. 


21 


o 


o 


CO 


p 

P 


CO 

cT 

o 

s 

CO 


o  o 


o   o 
£L  p 

55 

<x   <x> 

5'  5' 

on;  on? 

CO     CO 


^  p 

ll 


CO 

£ 

o 
o 


OS 
GO  CO 
OS  CO 


o 
o 
to 


to  -^r 

GO  »-» 
CO  to 


o 
EL, 

CO 

Congressional  Convention. 
Assembly  Convention .... 
Aldermanic  Convention. . . 
Primaries 

1 

OS 

i— « i— « »— — • 
os  ><r  "<r  os 

Tammany 
Hall. 

t-1 
•— i 

d 

o 

> 

i  o 
io 

i' 

OS 
CO 

i— »  ■— »  »— « 

CO  JO  GO  -J 

Irving  Hall. 

rfk> 

GO 

^  t— '  I— ' 

CO  CO   CO   OS 

County 
Democracy. 

tO 

CO  CO  CO  • 

Republican. 

OS 
CO 
CO 

4^ 

GO  OS  OS  I— » 
^q-  ^  CO  CO 

Total. 

— i 

a 

>►€ 
°S 

CO  PC 

O 

_  1                    1 

o  J  co  co  co  i-  !  Irving  Hall. 

OS  1  OS 

•9     CR  M  H  ■ 

County 
Democracy. 

CO  J  CO  CO  CO  'm 

Republican. 

GO 

OS 

h-»  -q-  -cr  t-* 

Total. 

to 

qo  -q-  <r  co 

Tammany 
Hall. 

a 

-J 

to  to  CO  * 

Irving  Hall. 

to 

to 

o 

>fh.   ^   —   CO 

Con  my 
Democracy. 

CO 
OS 

1— J  1— 1  (— »  • 
to  to  to  • 

Republican. 

to 

GO 

to 

to  to  to 

OS  Ct  OS  OS 

Total. 

22  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

The  apparent  disproportion  between  the  Coun- 
ty Democracy  and  the  other  organizations  in  the 
use  of  liquor  saloons  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
former  has  at  least  eight  hundred  and  twelve  pri- 
maries, one  for  each  election  district,  while  the  lat- 
ter have  only  twenty-four  each,  or  one  for  each 
Assembly  District.  Where  eight  hundred  and 
twelve  primaries  are  to  be  held  the  number  of 
voters  to  be  accommodated  at  each  is  naturally 
small,  and  inexpensive  places  have  to  be  found. 
To  the  local  politician  the  public-house  thus  pre- 
sents superior  attractions  from  whatever  point  of 
view  it  may  be  regarded. 

Chief  among  all  the  benefits  accruing  to  the 
party  through  such  an  organization  as  has  been 
described  is  the  control  of  the  election  booths  and 
ballots.  According  to  long- established  custom, 
each  party  must  have  a  ticket  booth  for  each 
polling-place  in  the  city,  attached  to  which  booth 
there  are  a  number  of  paid  ticket  peddlers,  who 
receive  five  dollars  each  on  the  average  for  their 
day's  work  at  the  polls.  All  tickets,  folded, 
bunched,  and  bagged,  are  originally  distributed 
from  headquarters  to  the  twenty-four  Assembly 
District  leaders,  and  they  in  their  turn  carry  the 


THE  MACHINE.  23 

distribution  down  into  election  districts.  This 
enables  them  to  control  the  situation  so  far  as 
their  localities  are  concerned,  for  they  can  nn- 
bunch  any  candidate  they  like,  and  bunch  any 
other  they  wish,  and  there  are  districts  in  which 
all  the  chances  are  in  favor  of  the  bunch  being 
voted  as  made  up.  In  their  turn  the  election  dis- 
trict peddlers  at  the  polls  can  do  the  same  thing 
in  a  small  way  upon  the  day  of  election,  and  cut 
and  trade  as  they  prefer  or  as  they  are  directed. 
Upon  occasion  this  sort  of  business  is  done  by  the 
bosses  themselves,  as  in  the  Mayoral  election  of 
1882,  when  the  Republican  machinists  sent  out 
from  headquarters  the  tickets  of  the  Tammany 
candidate  for  Mayor  in  place  of  those  of  their 
own  nominee.  There  are  some  districts  in  the 
city  where  this  ability  to  handle  the  tickets  has 
been  worth  a  year's  income  to  the  local  leaders. 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  details  of  political 
organization  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  the 
statements,  necessarily  general,  are  every  one  of 
them  susceptible  of  rich  illustration.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  honest  citizens  can  never  get  control 
of  the  Machine  from  within,  and  can  rarely  suc- 
cessfully fight  it  from  without,  for  in  either  event 


24  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

they  must  devote  so  much  time  to  it  that  they 
have  not  enough  left  to  earn  a  living.  The  Ma- 
chine is  governed  by  a  singleness  of  purpose, 
which  produces  a  compactness  against  which  good 
citizens  can  only  break  themselves  to  pieces  when 
fighting  it  from  within,  while  if  they  organize  an 
outside  opposition  in  which  everything  is  done  by 
honest  discussion,  compactness  is  almost  impossible 
of  achievement.  The  single  matter  of  properly 
manning  the  polls  requires  the  action  of  at  least 
several  thousand  picked  and  loyal  men,  who  should 
stand  at  the  booths  from  principle  and  not  for 
money,  and  to  be  sure  of  such  a  body  requires  lit- 
tle less  than  a  revolution  in  public  feeling.  Those 
who  do  this  work  for  their  parties  are  either  of- 
fice-holders or  paid  peddlers,  and  in  either  case 
are  only  earning  their  living.  The  politicians 
would  not  be  difficult  to  beat  if  the  people  would 
organize  for  their  own  protection  and  from  prin- 
ciple ;  but  it  is  the  matter  of  organization  which 
is  difficult,  and  no  one  understands  this  better 
than  the  bosses. 

But  the  Machines  have  other  immense  advan- 
tages. Not  only  does  our  army  of  policemen  con- 
tribute to  the  election  expenses  of  the  several  Ma- 


THE  MACHINE.  25 

chines,  but  they  have  it  within  their  power  to 
become  the  mightiest  of  electioneering  agents,  and 
to  compel  great  classes  into  voting  as  they  wish. 
In  this  respect,  and  notably  when  in  Republican 
hands,  the  District  Attorney's  office  has  sometimes 
been  a  very  powerful  political  engine.  It  has 
never  been  very  difficult  to  tell  how  the  liquor 
dealers,  gamblers,  dance- house  keepers,  and  the 
drunken  and  disorderly  generally  would  vote:  like 
other  people,  they  are  very  careful  to  look  out  for 
number  one.  The  community  thought  that  the 
law  entitling  them  to  watchers  at  the  canvass  of 
the  vote  after  the  close  of  the  polls  would  secure 
them  an  honest  count,  but  the  Board  of  Police 
appoint  the  canvassers  and  poll-clerks  whom  the 
machinists  select,  and  the  intelligent  and  ingen- 
ious policeman,  if  a  partisan,  need  never  long  want 
an  excuse  for  ejecting  the  official  watchers  from 
the  room,  as  more  than  one  reputable  bnt  mis- 
guided man  who  has  volunteered  to  serve  as  such 
can  testify. 

The  Machine  suffices  for  all  things,  even  for  the 
support  of  a  powerful  newspaper  organ.  Nothing 
could  excel  the  simplicity  of  the  device  by  which 
a  certain  daily  paper  in  this  city  was  at  a  critical 


26  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

time  kept  alive  as  a  distributor  of  news,  as  a  de- 
fender of  the  "  bosses,"  and  at  the  same  time  made 
self-supporting,  and  even  enabled  to  pay  a  divi- 
dend on  its  stock,  the  majority  of  which  was  held 
by  those  very  bosses.  There  are  a  good  many 
liquor  dealers  in  New  York;  they  are  numbered 
by  thousands,  and  are  all  required  to  have  licenses. 
These  licenses  are  given  by  the  Board  of  Excise. 
This  board,  being  agreed  on  party  policy,  had  only 
to  demand  of  every  liquor  dealer  the  production 
of  his  receipt  for  one  or  more  subscriptions  to  the 
daily  organ  before  granting  a  license,  and  the  cir- 
culation of  the  paper  was  assured,  and  in  those 
very  places,  the  liquor  stores  and  political  ex- 
changes, where  it  would  do  most  good.  And  this 
is  no  fanciful  case,  but  matter  of  party  history. 

The  Machine  finds  but  little  difficulty  in  raising 
the  necessary  funds  to  defray  its  expenses.  This 
is  particularly  the  case  with  the  majority  Machines, 
whose  nominations  are  equivalent  to  elections. 
They  can  collect  largely  from  actual  office-holders, 
and  can  practically  put  up  the  offices  at  auction  to 
the  highest,  bidder,  and  impose  such  assessments  as 
they  see  fit.  If  the  natural  expenses  of  a  campaign 
are  heavy,  so  much  the  better  for  the  Machine, 


THE  MACHINE.  27 

and  so  much  the  worse  for  the  people.  The  Ma- 
chine can  raise  the  money ;  the  advocates  of  an 
independent  and  honest  movement  cannot.  And 
yet  in  the  long-run  the  people  pay  these  expenses. 
They  are  unwilling  to  contribute  to  secure  good 
government,  but  in  effect  they  contribute  to  per- 
petuate the  bad ;  for  those  who  pay  the  assess- 
ments to  run  the  Machine  get  the  money  from 
the  people  by  way  of  salaries,  and  eventually  it  all 
comes  into  the  tax  budget.  But  the  average  rate- 
payer is  politically  torpid,  or  timid  and  short- 
sighted. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  survey,  as  well  as  from 
what  is  to  follow,  that  the  Machine  is  built  up  on 
the  spoils  of  place,  and  the  necessity  for  voluntary 
provision  by  the  electors  of  an  extra-legal  election 
machinery. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   ELECTION   LAWS. 

In  endeavoring  to  eliminate  from  the  mass  of 
rumor  and  general  indefinite  knowledge  definite 
facts,  as  nearly  as  they  are  ascertainable,  concern- 
ing the  expenditure  of  money  in  elections,  whether 
paid  out  of  the  public  treasury  or  by  individuals, 
and  the  manner  of  its  collection  and  disbursement, 
it  is  necessary,  after  knowing  something  of  the  or- 
ganization of  the  Machine,  to  understand  the  elec- 
tion laws.  That  the  facts  are  such  as  to  demon- 
strate the  existence  of  a  great  evil,  we  all  know  in 
a  rough-and-ready  way.  How  great  that  evil  is, 
and  exactly  how  it  affects  and  modifies  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  law  invests  us  all  with  the 
elective  franchise,  can  only  be  known,  however, 
when  the  facts  are  laid  before  us  with  something 
of  the  exactness  and  definiteness  of  a  financial 
statement ;  and  while,  to  my  mind,  there  is  no 
question  of  the  day  of  greater  importance  than 


THE  ELECTION  LAWS.  29 

this,  there  is  none  concerning  which  accurate  data 
are  more  difficult  of  ascertainment.  The  figures 
given  in  the  newspapers  or  talked  of  at  the  clubs 
are  rarely  to  be  relied  upon,  although  sometimes 
approximately  correct.  The  men  who  raise  and 
the  men  who  expend  the  money,  as  a  rule,  keep 
their  knowledge  to  themselves;  and  one  not  in 
the  secret  is  rarely  if  ever  able  to  discover  the 
amount  of  money  spent  at  an  election  by  parties 
as  parties,  or  by  the  individual  candidates  as  such. 
The  very  secretness  of  the  ways  in  which  the 
money  is  raised  and  disbursed  renders  the  correct 
figures  almost  impossible  of  access.  Nevertheless, 
it  is  necessary  to  get  at  them,  not  vaguely  but  ac- 
curately, if  our  work  is  to  be  more  valuable  than 
a  lot  of  useless  guesses  or  unreliable  gossip. 

In  this  regard  we  are  in  exactly  the  same  posi- 
tion to-day  that  England  was  in  prior  to  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Prevention  of  Corrupt  Practices  Act. 
There  the  public  was  regarded  as  being  so  plainly 
and  clearly  entitled  to  this  knowledge  that  the 
amount  of  permissible  expenditure  by  candidates 
is  limited  by  law,  and  the  candidate  compelled  to 
make  a  sworn  statement  of  the  amount  expended. 
Here,  however,  we  have  no  such  aid  to  the  disco v- 


30  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

ery  of  the  facts.  Under  our  system  it  is  impossi- 
ble for  any  one  to  get  at  and  understand  the  details 
of  election  expenditure  without  a  really  thorough 
and  accurate  knowledge  of  our  election  machinery 
and  our  election  laws.  Not  only  is  the  present 
expenditure  in  and  about  elections  almost  directly 
attributable  to  the  insufficiency  of  our  election 
laws,  but  our  political  Machines,  with  all  their 
wTorst  evils,  are  the  result  of  that  insufficiency  far 
more  than  of  any  inherent  tendency  to  corruption. 
So  long  as  the  Election  Law  remains  as  it  is  to- 
day, party  machinery  will  be  dominant,  corruption 
will  be  rife,  the  primary  will  be  a  farce,  and  the 
legislative  recognition  of  parties,  party  machinery, 
and  party  primaries  will  only  intensify  the  evils. 

The  general  theory  of  our  law  is  that  it  takes 
no  notice  of  parties.  Until  very  recently  it  did 
not  recognize  their  existence  at  all.  The  point  of 
view  of  the  law  was  that  every  man  is  entitled  to 
vote  as  he  pleases ;  to  name  his  own  candidate, 
cast  his  own  ballot,  and,  in  a  word,  in  the  matter 
of  the  franchise  to  act  with  perfect  independence. 
The  original  theory  was  that  any  voter  might 
write  the  name  of  any  person  whomsoever  upon 
any  piece  of  paper,  take  it  to  the  polls,  and  cast  it 


THE  ELECTION  LAWS.  31 

as  his  ballot;  that  the  law  knew  no  difference  be- 
tween m.en  or  between  parties,  and  that  all  men 
being  equal,  if  some  saw  fit  to  act  together  as  an  or- 
ganized party,  they  were  entirely  in  their  right  in 
so  doing.  From  the  very  beginning,  however,  the 
independent  voters  were  the  stragglers,  and  par- 
ties practically  controlled  nominations,  and  one  or 
the  other  of  the  party  nominees  was  almost  inva- 
riably elected.  The  first  expenditure  in  and  about 
elections,  therefore,  was  that  incident  to  securing 
the  control  of  delegates  to  conventions  and  leaders 
of  caucuses ;  the  second,  that  to  secure  the  elec- 
tion at  the  polls. 

Under  our  early  system  the  Election  Law  sim- 
ply called  for  the  selection  of  sworn  inspectors. 
The  inspector  was  supposed  to  know  every  voter 
who  came  to  the  polls,  either  of  his  own  knowl- 
edge or  by  the  assistance  of  the  neighbors  of  the 
voter;  and  every  one  who  came  to  the  polls  was 
permitted  to  cast  his  ballot  with  no  other  impedi- 
ment than  that  of  swearing  it  in  in  case  he  wTas 
challenged.  It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  the  grad- 
ual evolution  of  the  present  Election  Law  in  our 
great  cities.  The  simple  primitive  system  prac- 
tically held  good  in  this  city  until  the  times  of 


32  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

William  M.  Tweed.  Then  it  became  necessary  to 
limit  by  legislation  the  almost  complete  and  per- 
fect freedom  of  individual  action  in  and  about 
elections,  in  order  to  prevent  frauds  as  great  as 
that  which  in  this  State  resulted  in  the  counting 
out  of  one  Governor  who  was  elected  and  count- 
ing in  of  another  who  was  not  elected,  as  is  gen- 
erally believed  to  have  been  done  in  1868.  No 
measure  ever  proposed  by  the  Legislature  of  this 
State  really  met  with  more  opposition  than  the 
original  Registration  Act  for  the  city  of  New  York. 
It  was  decried  as  undemocratic;  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  absolute  necessity  for  some  such  pre- 
vention of  criminality  at  elections,  it  could  not 
have  been  passed. 

This  law  provided  for  the  registration  and  iden- 
tification of  all  voters.  It  was  the  parent  of  our 
present  system,  which  must  be  summarized  in  or- 
der to  bring  out  clearly  and  perfectly  the  relation 
between  it  and  the  political  machinery  of  our  dif- 
ferent municipal  parties. 

At  the  election  in  this  city  the  ballot-boxes 
used  for  receiving  the  ballots  are  marked  and 
numbered  successively  from  one  to  eight,  and  are 
supplied  at  the  public  expense.     The  manner  of 


THE  ELECTION  LAWS.  33 

printing,  folding,  and  indorsing  the  ballots,  as 
well  as  their  size,  shape,  and  the  quality  of  paper 
used,  is  generally  prescribed  by  law.  The  poll- 
ing-places are  open  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  close  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The 
election  and  canvass  of  the  votes  is  to  be  conduct- 
ed in  conformity  with  the  general  election  laws 
of  the  State,  except  as  they  are  modified  by 
special  legislation  affecting  the  city  itself.  The 
Board  of  Police  is  required  to  establish  a  Bureau 
of  Elections,  the  force  of  which  bureau  are  sub- 
ject to  such  rules,  regulations,  and  orders  as  the 
Board  of  Police  may  from  time  to  time  adopt; 
and  it  is  conducted  by  a  single  person,  to  be  se- 
lected by  the  Board  of  Police,  whose  term  of  of- 
fice is  three  years,  and  whose  salary  is  fixed  by  the 
Police  Board,  but  which  may  not  exceed  $5000  a 
year.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Police  to 
cause  books  to  be  prepared  for  the  registry  of 
names  and  facts  required  by  law;  the  form  of 
these  registers  is  prescribed  by  statute.  The  Board 
of  Police  is  authorized  to  divide  the  city  into  elec- 
tion districts.  Each  election  district  is  to  contain, 
as  nearly  as  practicable,  two  hundred  and  fifty  vot- 
ers on  the  basis  of  the  registration.     Under  the 


34  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

present  law  the  Board  of  Police  may  in  every 
even  year  divide  such  election  districts  as  by 
the  registration  of  the  two  preceding  years  shall 
be  found  to  have  an  average  of  over  four  hun- 
dred voters.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  chief  of  the 
Bureau  of  Elections  to  preserve  the  records  of 
the  Police  Board  pertaining  to  the  conduct  of 
the  affairs  of  his  bureau,  prepare  and  furnish  all 
necessary  registers,  books,  maps,  forms,  oaths,  cer- 
tificates, blanks,  and  instructions  for  the  use  of 
the  inspectors  of  the  election,  and  to  have  the 
custody  of  and  keep  all  records  and  papers.  He 
appoints  a  chief  clerk,  and  the  Board  of  Police 
furnish  him  with  such  other  clerical  force  among 
the  patrolmen  in  the  Department  as  he  may  from 
time  to  time  need.  All  inspectors  of  elections 
and  poll -clerks  in  the  city  are  selected  and  ap- 
pointed by  the  Board  of  Police,  who  have  power 
to  make  all  necessary  removals  and  transfers,  and 
fill  all  vacancies.  They  are  called  upon  to  appoint 
four  inspectors  in  each  district;  and  in  a  provision 
of  the  law  vesting  them  with  this  power  we  find  a 
most  curious  recognition  of  the  existence  of  two 
parties,  and  only  two,  which  section  of  the  statute 
reads  as  follows : 


THE  ELECTION  LAWS.  35 

"It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  said  Board  of  Police 
annually,  in  the  months  of  August  and  September 
in  each  succeeding  year,  in  each  election  district 
of  said  city  or  county,  to  select  to  serve  as  inspect- 
ors of  election  four  persons,  two  of  whom  on  State 
issues  shall  be  of  different  faith  and  opinion  from 
their  associates,  and  those  appointed  to  represent 
the  party  and  political  minority  on  State  issues  in 
the  said  city  and  county,  to  be  named  solely  by 
such  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Police  in  the 
Police  Board  as  are  the  representatives  of  such 
political  minority."' 

These  inspectors  are  required  to  be  citizens  of 
good  character,  able  to  read,  write,  and  speak  the 
English  language,  qualified  voters  of  the  city  and 
county,  and  not  candidates  for  any  office  to  be 
voted  for  by  the  electors  of  the  district  for  which 
they  shall  be  selected;  but  no  person  is  required 
to  be  a  resident  of  the  election  district  for  which 
he  shall  be  appointed  an  inspector.  After  nomi- 
nation and  approval  they  are  sworn  into  office,  the 
term  of  which  is  one  year,  unless  they  are  sooner 
removed  for  want  of  the  requisite  qualifications. 

Two  persons  of  different  political  faith  and  opin- 
ions on  State  issues,  and  possessing  the  same  qual- 


36  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

ill  cations  as  those  required  for  inspectors,  are  re- 
quired to  be  in  all  respects  similarly  selected  and 
appointed  as  poll  -  clerks  for  each  election  dis- 
trict, their  term  of  office  being  also  for  one  year. 
The  law  provides  for  the  compensation  of  these 
inspectors  and  poll -clerks  at  the  rate  of  $7.50 
per  day  for  each  day's  service  at  any  registra- 
tion or  election,  which  compensation  is  paid  on 
the  certificate  of  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Elec- 
tions. 

The  inspectors  are  vested  with  power  to  preserve 
order  at  the  place  of  registration  and  at  the  polls 
on  election-day,  to  suppress  riot,  protect  voters  and 
challengers,  and  to  appoint  electors  to  assist  them 
in  so  doing.  There  are  four  registration  days 
prior  to  election.  The  registers  are  made  in  tripli- 
cate, and  prior  to  election  are  published  in  full  in 
the  City  Record. 

At  the  close  of  the  poll  the  vote  is  canvassed  by 
the  inspectors  of  election  in  public  and  without 
adjournment,  until  it  is  completed,  and  no  canvass 
can  be  made  unless  at  least  six  persons,  if  so  many 
claim  that  privilege,  are  allowed  to  be  present  and 
so  near  that  they  can  see  whether  the  duties  of  the 
inspector  are  faithfully  performed  ;  each  candidate 


THE  ELECTION  LAWS.  37 

for  an  office  to  be  filled  at  an  election  is  permitted 
to  designate  by  certificate  in  writing,  signed  by 
him,  one  person  in  each  election  district  for  which 
he  is  a  candidate  to  be  present  at  the  canvass  of 
the  ballots  for  that  office,  and  this  witness  is  entitled 
to  the  protection  prescribed  by  the  law. 

The  statute  is  long,  intricate,  and  complex,  con- 
sisting of  ninety-two  sections,  the  last  but  one  of 
which  provides  that  the  legal  compensation  of  all 
inspectors  of  election,  and  poll -clerks,  and  other 
officers  of  election,  the  cost  and  expenses  of  all 
necessary  election  notices,  posters,  maps,  advertise- 
ments, registers,  books,  blanks,  and  stationery,  the 
rent  and  cost  of  fitting  up,  warming,  lighting, 
cleaning,  and  safe-keeping  of  the  places  of  regis- 
tration, of  furnishing,  repairing,  and  carting  bal- 
lot-boxes, and  of  all  supplies  of  every  kind  and 
nature  for  all  elections  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
shall  be  a  city  charge. 

This  statute  has  been  taken  as  a  model  in  many 
States,  and  it  certainly  does  almost  entirely  pre- 
vent the  evils  from  which  we  suffered  so  lon^, 
that  is,  open  frauds  at  elections  in  the  casting  and 
counting  of  the  ballots.  But  the  occasion  which 
gave  rise  to  the  statute  also  dictated  the  limita- 


38  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

tions  of  its  application.  It  has  reference  only  to 
so  much  of  the  machinery  of  election  as  refers 
to  the  registration,  taking  and  canvassing  of  the 
vote ;  and  although  it  prescribes  the  form  in  which 
tickets  are  to  be  printed,  the  number  of  tickets,  the 
manner  of  folding  and  indorsing,  it  is  entirely  si- 
lent upon  the  vital  point  as  to  how  the  tickets  are 
to  be  distributed. 

Now  this  very  point  is  the  pivotal  one  around 
which  the  entire  political  machinery  of  this  city 
revolves,  whether  that  machinery  be  Democratic 
or  Republican.  It  exists  for  only  one  purpose, 
the  securing  of  the  vote  on  election-day,  and  it  is 
organized  accordingly.  In  its  organization  it  actu- 
ally makes  the  Election  Law  not  only  an  adjunct 
to  the  Machine,  but  treats  the  election  officers  as 
so  many  men  in  the  pay  of  the  city,  whom  it  can 
count  upon  to  cast  their  ballots  as  the  party  de- 
sires, and  to  keep  a  close  scrutiny  upon  all  voters 
whatever,  from  a  partisan  as  well  as  an  official 
point  of  view.* 

*  See  Appendix  II. 


CHAPTER  III. 
THE  COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY. 

In  discussing  the  cost  of  elections,  we  must  be- 
gin with  the  election  machinery  itself.  In  the  city 
of  New  York  there  are  to-day  812  election  dis- 
tricts. The  law  provides  for  four  inspectors  and 
two  poll-clerks  to  each  district,  making  an  aggre- 
gate of  4872  election  officers  paid  out  of  the  City 
Treasury ;  2436  of  which  are  Democrats,  and  2436 
of  which  are  Republicans.  The  Republican  Po- 
lice Commissioners  appoint  the  Republican  elec- 
tion officers;  the  Democratic  Police  Commission- 
ers those  who  are  Democratic. 

The  Democratic  party,  however,  is  divided  into 
a  number  of  factions,  and  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  Board  of  Police  have  for  years  re- 
quired that  the  representation  of  the  factions 
should  be  in  proportion  to  their  recognition  as  to 
regularity  by  the  Democratic   State  Committee. 


40  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

In  this  way  Tammany  Hall  Democrats  have  had 
two-fifths  of  one-half,  the  County  Democrats  two- 
fifths  of  one-half,  and  Irving  Hall  one-fifth  of  one 
half  of  the  election  officers. 

This  system,  sanctioned  by  the  statute  and  the 
Supreme  Court,  consequently  enables  the  Repub- 
licans to  supply  places  to  three  men  for  each  elec- 
tion district  in  the  city  for  five  days  each  at  $7.50 
apiece  a  day,  and  the  Democrats  do  the  same  thing 
in  the  ratio  of  division  which  has  been  mentioned. 
The  total  appropriation  for  all  election  purposes 
whatever  in  the  city  of  New  York  last  year  (1886), 
made  under  the  provisions  of  the  Election  Law, 
was  $226,000. 

It  is  customary  for  the  designation  of  the  poll- 
ing-places also  to  be  treated  as  patronage,  but  it 
is  not  bestowed  directly  on  the  political  par- 
ties as  in  the  case  of  inspectors  and  poll -clerks. 
It  is  police  captains'  patronage.  Under  instruc- 
tions of  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Elections — 
who  was  for.  many  years,  if  he  is  not  yet,  a  party 
"boss" — the  Superintendent  of  Police  each  year 
asks  the  captains  to  recommend  one  place  in  each 
election  district  in  their  respective  precincts  to  be 
rented  as  a  polling-place.     The  owner  of  a  butch- 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK   CITY.    41 

er's,  baker's,  barber's,  or  tobacconist's  shop  regards 
the  designation  of  his  place  as  a  valuable  favor, 
and  the  allotment  is  much  sought  after  in  the  sev- 
eral election  districts.  It  is  not  only  a  good  ad- 
vertisement, but  the  lessor  of  the  premises  is  well 
paid  for  advertising  his  business  in  this  way.  The 
eight  hundred  and  twelve  places  are  accordingly 
selected  by  the  police  captains,  and  the  majority 
being  Republicans,  the  greater  part  of  this  pat- 
ronage is  awarded  to  Republicans  of  good  party 
standing. 

The  appropriation  to  the  Police  Board  by  the 
Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment  for  last 
year  was  made  in  detail  as  follows : 

For  compensation  of  inspectors  and  poll-clerks 
(section  1854,  New  York  City  Consolidation 
Act  of  1882) $145,480 

For  rent  of  polling  -  places  and  fitting  up  the 
same,  new  ballot-boxes,  carting  ballot-boxes, 
stationery,  maps,  and  printing,  etc 40,720 

For  advertising  election  districts,  polling-places, 
and  the  official  canvass,  for  advertising  elec- 
tion notices  by  Clerk  of  Common  Council,  for 
advertising  election  notices  by  the  Sheriff, 
and  for  serving  supervisors  with  notices  of 
elections  by  the  Sheriff 25,000 

For  expenses  of  special  election  in  Sixth  As- 
sembly District  on  December  29, 1885 2,800 


42  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

For  compensation  of  clerks  to  Board  of  Can- 
vassers       $2,000 

$216,000 

For  salary  of  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Elec- 
tions          5,000 

For  salary  of  the  Chief  Clerk  of  the  Bureau  of 

Elections 1,500 

6,500 

$222,500 
By  subsequent  transfer  $3500  was  added,  making  the  total  as 
given  at  page  40  of  $226,000. 


In  addition  to  this  patronage  growing  out  of  the 
express  provisions  of  the  State  law,  there  is  a 
large  volume  of  patronage  of  much  the  same  char- 
acter rising  out  of  the  application  of  the  United 
States  law  to  elections  in  those  years  when  United 
States  officers  are  chosen,  or  say  every  other  year. 
The  national  law  calls  for  the  appointment  of  two 
supervisors  of  election  for  each  election  district, 
who  are  to  be  paid  $5  per  day  for  not  over  ten 
days'  service.  JThey  are  appointed  by  a  judge  of 
the  United  States  Court.  During  the  last  election 
the  supervisors  served  from  one  to  seven  days 
each.  The  Treasury  Department  has  decided, 
whether  rightfully  or  wrongfully,  that  none  of 
them  can  be  paid  for  more  than  five  days'  service. 
Assuming  that  they  be  paid  for  an  average  of  five 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK   CITY.   43 

days'  service  only,  we  have  $25  for  each  super- 
visor, two  supervisors  for  each  district,  or  say  $50 
per  election  district  for  eight  hundred  and  twelve 
election  districts,  or  $40,600. 

In  addition  to  the  supervisors,  the  United  States 
Marshal  is  authorized  to  appoint  on  the  applica- 
tion of  two  citizens  in  writing  as  many  deputy 
marshals  as  he  pleases.  During  the  last  election 
the  United  States  Marshal  appointed  but  two  mar- 
shals from  each  district,  and  limited  their  term  of 
office  to  two  days  each,  at  $5  per  day.  This  is  the 
smallest  expenditure  that  has  ever  been  made  in 
this  respect  since  the  enactment  of  the  law  under 
which  the  assistant  marshals  are  appointed,  the 
Republicans  having  invariably  appointed  a  larger 
number  to  serve  for  a  greater  length  of  time. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  United  States  Marshal 
appointed  a  general  aid  for  ten  days  at  $5  per  day, 
and  three  Assembly  District  marshals  for  each  dis- 
trict at  $5  per  day  for  six  days  each ;  he  also  ap- 
pointed three  marshals-at-large  for  ten  days  each. 
He  advises  me  that  his  printing  bill  for  blanks  for 
applications,  appointments,  instructions,  etc.,  was 
$1500,  and  his  payments  to  marshals  $22,000, 
which,  with  the  payment  to  supervisors  of  $40,600, 


44  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

makes  an  actual  total  for  last  year  of  $64,100 
for  this  purpose.  These  places  have  heretofore 
always  been  treated  as  party  patronage,  and  the 
money  has  been  distributed  accordingly. 

The  legal  machinery  of  elections  thus  involves 
the  expenditure  of  $290,000  as  a  minimum,  paid 
out  of  the  public  purse  and  treated  as  party  pat- 
ronage, which  expenditure  in  Presidential  elections 
of  the  past  has  been  greater  than  this  by  fully 
$200,000,  incident  to  the  immense  number  of  ap- 
pointments made  by  the  United  States  Marshal, 
and  the  special  work  done  by  the  Chief  Super- 
visor of  Elections.  I  have  not  had  the  time  at 
my  disposal  to  get  the  exact  figures  for  any  but 
last  year,  however,  and  these  latter  I  give  on  offi- 
cial authority.  This  fund  of  $290,000  is  practi- 
cally used,  if  not  to  purchase,  at  least  to  assure 
and  guarantee  the  vote  of  at  least  ten  persons  for 
each  election  district.  The  election  districts  will 
average  about  300  voters,  so  that  3  per  cent,  of  the 
voters  are  employed  in  or  about  the  elections  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  law  as  officers 
of  the  law,  and  the  election  district  leader  sees 
that  they  are  the  first  men  to  vote,  and  to  vote 
right. 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS   IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.    45 

The  inspectors,  poll-clerks,  supervisors,  and  mar- 
shals are  generally  selected  for  the  same  reasons, 
and  in  the  same  way  in  which  the  workers  at  the 
polls  are  chosen.  It  was  customary  during  the 
entire  time  the  Republicans  had  control  of  the 
appointment  of  the  supervisors  and  marshals  for 
them  to  distribute  a  certain  number  of  blanks 
among  the  district  leaders  of  the  Republican  party 
and  of  Tammany  Hall,  to  be  filled  up  with  such 
names  as  the  Assembly  District  leader  should 
choose ;  the  men  so  chosen  were  appointed  if  their 
character  was  not  flagrantly  bad,  and  many  times 
during  the  earlier  administration  of  the  law  their 
character  was  not  looked  to  at  all.  As  to  the  in- 
spectors and  poll-clerks,  it  is  customary  for  each 
organization,  knowing  exactly  how  many  men  it 
should' get,  to  divide  the  number  up  among  the 
Assembly  Districts,  and  permit  each  Assembly  Dis- 
trict leader  to  name  his  representatives.  This  is 
an  element  of  personal  strength  to  the  leader,  and 
a  guarantee  of  the  political  soundness,  both  as  to 
general  faith  and  fidelity  to  the  organization,  of 
the  person  appointed. 

Now,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  the  entire  po- 
litical machinery  of  New  York  City  is  incident  to 


46  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

the  main  fact  of  getting  in  the  votes  on  election- 
day.  Every  part  of  the  Machine  is  organized  with 
this  object  in  view  and  no  other. 

There  are  three  well-organized  Machines  in  New 
York  City.  Each  of  these  Machines,  it  will  be 
remembered,  has  twenty- four  district  organiza- 
tions, corresponding  wTith  the  Assembly  Districts 
of  the  city.  Each  Assembly  District  organiza- 
tion consists  of  a  committee  varying  in  numbers 
according  to  the  general  plan  of  organization. 
Ultimately  and  essentially,  however,  all  the  or- 
ganizations are  alike ;  each  Assembly  District  is 
actually  controlled  by  the  Assembly  District  lead- 
er, and  the  caucus  of  the  Assembly  District  leaders 
constitutes  the  main-spring  of  the  party.  It  is  the 
source  of  all  authority,  and  determines  all  ques- 
tions of  policy.  Each  of  the  parties  asserts  that 
its  policy  is  dictated  either  by  its  Conventions  or 
by  its  County  Committee ;  but,  in  fact,  the  dele- 
gates to  the  Conventions  or  to  the  County  Com- 
mittee from  each  Assembly  District  consist  of 
only  such  persons  as  are  satisfactory  to  the  dis- 
trict leader.  The  district  leader  himself  is,  as  a 
rule,  chosen  either  by  the  boss  of  the  party  or  by 
a  vote  of  the  majority  of  the  other  district  leaders, 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.    47 

except  in  those  cases  where  they  have  compelled 
their  recognition  by  the  strength  of  their  personal 
following  in  the  district.  Committees  of  the  or- 
ganization have  the  power  of  passing  upon  the 
validity  or  invalidity  of  all  primary  and  commit- 
tee elections,  and,  as  a  rule,  decide  all  contests  as 
the  recognized  district  leader  desires.  For  the 
purpose  of  showing  the  best  results  in  his  district, 
it  is  customary  for  each  district  leader  to  have  a 
representative  to  look  after  the  election  district, 
commonly  called  an  election  district  captain. 
These  men  are  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
Machine,  and  every  Assembly  District  leader  strives 
to  quarter  his  election  district  captains  on  the  city. 
This  he  succeeds  in  doing  sooner  or  later.  If  the 
Republicans  are  out  of  power  in  every  other  de- 
partment, and  cannot  take  care  of  the  "boys"  in 
any  other  way,  they  at  least  always  have  three 
places  to  dispose  of,  which  are  worth  $7.50  a  day 
for  five  days  in  each  election  district ;  but  they 
are  not  reduced  to  this  sore  necessity.  The  Demo- 
cratic leader  either  finds  a  place  for  the  friends 
of  the  Republican  leader,  with  whom  he  is  co-op- 
erating, or  when  the  Republican  leader  is  in  pow- 
er it  is  the  latter  who  finds  places  for  his  Demo- 


48  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

cratic  friends  and  coadjutors;  for  the  professional 
or  caste  feeling  is  very  strong,  and  the  politicians 
of  all  parties  recognize  their  ultimate  community 
of  interests  at  all  times.  Sooner  or  later,  on  the 
pay-rolls  of  the  city,  which  contain  9955  names, 
exclusive  of  school-rolls,  or  13,749  all  told,  which 
latter  figure  includes  25  Aldermen  and  83  chief 
officers,  and  excludes  all  Assemblymen,  Senators, 
and  national  officers,  at  least  four  men  are  taken 
care  of  by  each  party  all  the  year  round  in  each 
of  the  eight  hundred  and  twelve  districts.  The 
Machine,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  their  serv- 
ices in  perpetuity,  thus  has  the  city  pay  them  as 
city  employes.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with 
regard  to  the  Assembly  District  leaders.  To  be 
sure,  the  money  paid  them  out  of  the  city,  state, 
or  national  Treasury  cannot  properly  be  said  to 
be  money  spent  in  elections,  but  it  is  money  spent 
in  maintaining  the  solidity  and  perpetuity  of  the 
Machine ;  it  keeps  it  alive  the  year  round,  and 
ready  for  all  emergencies,  and  especially  for  the 
great  critical  emergency  of  the  election.  Without 
it  each  election  would  find  the  Machine  broken  and 
scattered,  and  consequently  it  has  to  be  considered. 
New  York  City  paid  its  Assembly  District  lead- 


COST   OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.    49 

ers  last  year  $330,000,  or  an  average  of  $4750  for 
each  of  the  seventy-two  leaders.  This  figure  in- 
cludes the  estimated  income  of  the  Register's  office 
at  $100,000.  That  is  now,  however,  a  salaried  office, 
yielding  only  $12,000  per  year  to  its  chief.  The 
amount  which  is  now  being  actually  received  by 
these  leaders  from  the  public  treasury  is  $242,000. 
Of  this  amount  Tammany  Hall  gets  about  $119,000, 
divided  among  eighteen  out  of  twenty-four  of  its 
district  leaders.  The  County  Democracy  gets  about 
$90,000,  divided  among  seventeen  out  of  twenty- 
five  of  its  district  leaders.  The  Republican  leaders, 
being  in  the  minority  party,  both  in  the  city  and 
nation,  do  not  fare  so  well ;  but  they  have  hopes, 
or  have  heretofore  shared  the  pay  of  loyalty.  Their 
$32,000  is  divided  among  eight  of  their  twenty- 
four  leaders.  It  must  be  said,  however,  in  order 
to  be  just,  that  many  of  the  men  among  whom 
these  sums  are  divided  are  honest  and  efficient 
public  servants,  and  the  city  gets  full  value  for  the 
salaries  paid  them. 

The  aggregate  of  these  sums,  say  $242,000,  may 

be  regarded  as  the  city's  permanent  investment  in 

the  machines  for  leadership  alone.     Certainly  not 

less  than  $1,000,000  more  is  invested  in  the  same 

4 


52  MACHINE   POLITICS. 

Committee  of  the  organization,  the  Assembly  Dis- 
trict bag  being  given  to  the  Assembly  District  lead- 
er; he  in  his  turn  calls  together  the  election  dis- 
trict leaders,  and  places  in  the  hands  of  each  of  them 
the  election  district  bag.  In  the  Republican  party, 
however,  all  tickets  are  delivered  flat,  as  printed, 
to  the  district  leaders,  who  supervise  the  folding 
and  bunching,  which  is  done  by  the  leaders,  each 
for  his  own  district.  This  is  a  right  the  Repub- 
lican leaders  have  never  been  willing  to  surren- 
der, as  it  would  materially  depreciate  the  value  of 
their  franchise  as  leaders.  As  leaders  of  the  mi- 
nority party,  and  often  holding  the  balance  of 
power,  this  is  of  great  political  or  cash  value  to 
them,  and  cannot  be  given  up  to  the  control  of 
the  central  organization  any  more  than  any  other 
valuable  proprietary  right. 

The  Assembly  District  leaders  thus  come  into 
possession  of  the  whole  of  the  vital  part  of  the 
election  machinery.  They  could  meet  on  the  night 
before  election  and  destroy  the  tickets,  and  no  elec- 
tion could  take  place.  It  is  the  possession  of  this 
powTer  which  makes  them  valuable  from  the  point 
of  view  of  purchase  and  sale.  Many  of  the  As- 
sembly District  leaders  in  the  three  organizations 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.   53 

have  exploited  this  power  so  successfully  and 
profitably  that  they  have  been  able  to  live  through- 
out the  entire  year  on  their  income  derived  from 
the  handling  of  the  tickets.  They  can  destroy, 
rebunch,  fail  to  distribute,  and  what  not,  as  they 
please,  and  thus  give  rise  to  such  controversies  as 
that  between  Mr.  Thorndike  Rice  and  Mr.  Michael 
Cregan,  in  which  the  whole  community  wras  lately 
interested.  They  rarely,  if  ever,  take  money  nomi- 
nally for  dealing  with  the  tickets.  It  is  taken,  or 
alleged  to  be  taken,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  distribution  or  peddling  of  the  tickets  at  the 
polls,  or,  as  it  is  called,  for  the  "  employment  of 
workers." 

The  result  of  this  system  of  machinery  is  that, 
in  order  to  compete  with  the  professional  politi- 
cians, it  is  necessary  for  any  independent  body  of 
citizens  to  have  a  very  complex  Machine,  and  fre- 
quently a  very  expensive  one.  In  the  first  place, 
the  regular  Machine  is  always  equipped  and  pre- 
pared to  print  as  wTell  as  to  distribute  a  ticket. 
These  are  expensive  matters,  and  the  fact  of  the 
expense  in  this  regard  alone  is  a  practical  deter- 
rent to  independent  movements  for  reform.  The 
Machines  are  always  enabled  to  print  the  tickets 


52  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

Committee  of  the  organization,  the  Assembly  Dis- 
trict bag  being  given  to  the  Assembly  District  lead- 
er; he  in  his  turn  calls  together  the  election  dis- 
trict leaders,  and  places  in  the  hands  of  each  of  them 
the  election  district  bag.  In  the  Republican  party, 
however,  all  tickets  are  delivered  flat,  as  printed, 
to  the  district  leaders,  who  supervise  the  folding 
and  bunching,  which  is  done  by  the  leaders,  each 
for  his  own  district.  This  is  a  right  the  Repub- 
lican leaders  have  never  been  willing  to  surren- 
der, as  it  would  materially  depreciate  the  value  of 
their  franchise  as  leaders.  As  leaders  of  the  mi- 
nority party,  and  often  holding  the  balance  of 
power,  this  is  of  great  political  or  cash  value  to 
them,  and  cannot  be  given  up  to  the  control  of 
the  central  organization  any  more  than  any  other 
valuable  proprietary  right. 

The  Assembly  District  leaders  thus  come  into 
possession  of  the  whole  of  the  vital  part  of  the 
election  machinery.  They  could  meet  on  the  night 
before  election  and  destroy  the  tickets,  and  no  elec- 
tion could  take  place.  It  is  the  possession  of  this 
power  which  makes  them  valuable  from  the  point 
of  view  of  purchase  and  sale.  Many  of  the  As- 
sembly District  leaders  in  the  three  organizations 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.   53 

have  exploited  this  power  so  successfully  and 
profitably  that  they  have  been  able  to  live  through- 
out the  entire  year  on  their  income  derived  from 
the  handling  of  the  tickets.  They  can  destroy, 
rebunch,  fail  to  distribute,  and  what  not,  as  they 
please,  and  thus  give  rise  to  such  controversies  as 
that  between  Mr.  Thorndike  Rice  and  Mr.  Michael 
Cregan,  in  which  the  whole  community  was  lately 
interested.  They  rarely,  if  ever,  take  money  nomi- 
nally for  dealing  with  the  tickets.  It  is  taken,  or 
alleged  to  be  taken,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  distribution  or  peddling  of  the  tickets  at  the 
polls,  or,  as  it  is  called,  for  the  "  employment  of 
workers." 

The  result  of  this  system  of  machinery  is  that, 
in  order  to  compete  with  the  professional  politi- 
cians, it  is  necessary  for  any  independent  body  of 
citizens  to  have  a  very  complex  Machine,  and  fre- 
quently a  very  expensive  one.  In  the  first  place, 
the  regular  Machine  is  always  equipped  and  pre- 
pared to  print  as  well  as  to  distribute  a  ticket. 
These  are  expensive  matters,  and  the  fact  of  the 
expense  in  this  regard  alone  is  a  practical  deter- 
rent to  independent  movements  for  reform.  The 
Machines  are  always  enabled  to  print  the  tickets 


54  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

and  distribute  them  by  means  of  assessments  levied 
on  candidates  and  office-holders. 

First  as  to  assessments — and  these  assessments, 
be  it  understood,  are  something  entirely  distinct 
and  apart  from  the  amount  of  moneys  paid  volun- 
tarily by  candidates  in  the  prosecution  of  their 
canvass  independent  of  or  accessary  to  the  work 
of  the  Machine.  In  good  years,  such  as  that  after 
the  sale  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  the  Broad- 
way  franchise,  the  Alderman ic  office  was  much 
sought  after.  There  were  many  districts  in  the 
city,  consequently,  in  which  the  Republicans,  Tarn- 
many  Hall,  and  the  County  Democracy  alike  as- 
sessed Aldermanic  candidates  from  $15  to  $25  per 
election  district.  Membership  in  the  Assembly  is 
not  regarded  as  so  valuable  as  the  Aldermanic  of- 
fice, because  the  former  body  is  larger,  the  pay 
less,  the  members  have  to  live  away  from  home. 
It  is  usual  to  assess  the  Assembly  candidate  from 
$5  to  $15  an  election  district.  The  office  of  State 
Senator,  because  it  is  one  of  greater  influence,  and 
the  term  is  for  two  years,  is  much  sought  for,  and 
the  assessments  vary  from  $20  to  $30  per  elec- 
tion district.  In  some  years  the  expenditure  of 
Senatorial  candidates  has  been  enormous.     Thus, 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.     55 

when  Bradley  and  O'Brien  were  running,  it  is  un- 
derstood that  each  spent  $50,000  in  the  election. 
When  Morrissey  and  Schell  were  running,  Mor- 
rissey  pair  an  assessment  of  $10  per  election  dis- 
trict, wh'  e  Schell  paid  one  of  $50  per  election  dis- 
trict, ana  on  the  night  before  election  paid  $2500 
to  each  of  the  Assembly  District  leaders  in  his 
Senatorial  district,  to  "guarantee  the  result."  We 
all  know  how  well  he  succeeded  in  guaranteeing 
Morrissey 's  election.  In  the  last  election  at  which 
Senators  were  elected,  the  Democratic  candidates 
paid  $15  for  each  election  district  to  Tammany 
Hall,  and  $15  for  each  election  district  to  the 
County  Democracy,  and  $10  for  each  election  dis- 
trict to  Irving  Hall.  Their  average  assessment  was 
$500  apiece  per  Assembly  District  for  the  County 
Democracy  and  Tammany  Hall,  and  $10  per  elec- 
tion district  for  Irving  Hall.  The  Democratic  can- 
didates for  the  Senate  alone  paid  at  least  $30,000 
in  assessments. 

Candidates  for  Congress  are  called  upon  to  pay 
from  $15  to  $20  per  election  district,  and  when 
they  are  nominated  by  two  or  all  of  the  organiza- 
tions, are  required  to  make  the  same  contribution 
to  each  organization.     When  there  is  no  union  of 


56  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

the  Democratic  factions  for  election  of  members 
of  Congress,  each  faction  taxes  its  candidate  from 
$25  to  $30  in  an  election  district.  Candidates  for 
judicial  offices  have  paid  as  high  as  $20,000.  From 
$10,000  to  $15,000  is  the  average  assessment  for 
the  Superior  and  Common  Pleas  bench,  while  the 
assessment  for  the  Supreme  Court  bench  has  fre- 
quently been  higher  than  this.  The  assessment  de- 
manded of  the  Comptroller  at  his  last  election  was 
$10,000.  Mayor  Hewitt  paid  $12,000  apiece  to 
the  County  Democracy  and  to  Tammany  Hall,  or 
$24,000.  Mr.  Edson  paid,  or  there  was  paid  for 
his  account,  $10,000  apiece  to  the  County  Democ- 
racy and  Tammany  Hall,  and  $5000  to  Irving 
Hall,  or  $25,000.  Mayor  Grace  paid  $10,000  to 
the  County  Democracy  when  he  last  ran,  and  the 
Citizens'  Committee  of  that  year  expended  about 
$10,000  of  voluntary  contributions.  In  1880  May- 
or Grace  paid  $12,500  to  Irving  Hall  and  $7500  to 
Tammany  Hall.  In  1878  Mayor  Cooper  practical- 
ly created  a  party,  at  what  cost  to  himself  he  only 
knows.  In  1876  Mayor  Ely  is  reported  not  to  have 
paid  over  $5000.  John  Keilly  is  said,  upon  good 
authority,  to  have  paid  Tammany  an  assessment  of 
$50,000  for  the  nomination  of  Register  in  1883. 


p 

COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.     57 

An  average  year  would  show  the  following  as- 
sessments on  the  basis  of  two  candidates  only  run- 
ning in  each  district,  and  on  the  basis  of  the  mini- 
mum assessment: 

Two  Aldermanic  candidates  at  $15  per  district  for  812 

districts $24,360 

Two  Assembly  candidates  at  $10  per  district  for  812  dis- 
tricts   16,240 

Two  candidates  for  Senate  or  Congress  at  $25  per  elec- 
tion district 40,600 

Four  candidates  for  Judgeships  at  $10,000  each 40,000 

Two  candidates  for  Mayor  at  $20,000  each 40,000 

Two  candidates  for  a  county  office  such  as  Sheriff,  County 

Clerk,  or  Register,  at  $10,000 20,000 

Two  candidates  for  Comptroller  at  $10,000 20,000 

Two  candidates  for  District  Attorney  at  $5000 10,000 

Or,  say  a  total  of $211,200 

It  is  a  fair  estimate,  year  in  and  year  out,  that 
there  is  distributed  at  each  polling-place  in  the  812 
districts  of  the  city  $75  to  $100  by  the  County 
Democracy,  $75  to  $100  by  Tammany  Hall,  $40 
to  $50  by  the  Republicans,  except  in  Presidential 
years,  when  the  distribution  has  been  much  larger, 
$15  by  Irving  Hall,  and  $15  by  the  representa- 
tives of  the  different  independent  candidates,  mak- 
ing a  minimum  of  $220  and  a  maximum  of  $280 


58  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

per  election  district,  which  for  812  election  dis- 
tricts would  give  a  mean  total  of  $203,000.  It  is 
usually  calculated  that  the  assessment  of  candi- 
dates will  cover  this  item.  At  the  last  election, 
for  example,  the  County  Democracy  actually  put 
in  the  hands  of  workers  at  the  polls  in  the  Fif- 
teenth Assembly  District  from  $80  to  $100  in  each 
election  district,  and  $85  each  in  the  Tenth  As- 
sembly District. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  legal  election  machinery 
paid  ten  men  for  each  district  at  the  last  election. 
The  minimum,  $220  per  district,  distributed  by  the 
party  machinery,  calculating  that  $5  was  the  aver- 
age paid  to  each  man,  although  on  the  total  figure 
this  average  is  too  high,  and  the  money  is  really 
divided  among  more  people,  would  provide  for  44 
men,  which,  with  10  men  paid  by  law,  is  54  men 
to  each  of  812  districts,  or  say  43,848  persons. 
At  the  last  election  219,992  votes  were  polled  for 
Mayor,  so  that  over  20  per  cent,  of  all  the  voters 
actually  received  money  in  one  form  or  another 
for  their  election -day  services  —  in  a  word,  were 
under  pay. 

In  addition  to  the  amount  of  expenditure  at  the 
polls,  there  is  to  be  calculated  the  cost  of  printing, 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.   59 

I 

which  in  different  years  has  ranged  in  the  County 
Democracy  from  $12,000  to  $19,000  for  printing 
the  tickets.  To  this  item  there  has  to  be  added  an 
expenditure  of  from  $6000  to  $8000  for  folding, 
addressing  the  envelopes,  and  mailing  a  set  of  tick- 
ets to  each  voter  in  the  city.  The  entire  printing 
bill  of  each  of  the  three  organizations  for  all  pur- 
poses whatever  is  not  less  than  $25,000,  or  say 
$75,000  in  all,  and  it  certainly  costs  not  less  than 
$25,000  for  meetings  and  miscellaneous  expenses 
for  all  three  parties. 

In  the  campaign  of  1882,  in  which  Allan  Camp- 
bell ran  against  Franklin  Edson,  Mr.  Campbell's 
canvass  was  made  in  a  period  of  ten  days.  For  the 
purpose  of  making  that  canvas,  $63,000  was  sub- 
scribed, for  which  Mr.  Campbell  subscribed  $1000, 
no  assessment  having  been  levied ;  for  manning 
the  polls  and  supplying  booths,  about  $25,000  was 
expended;  for  printing  the  tickets,  $10,000;  for 
their  distribution  by  mail,  $8000 ;  for  advertising, 
$15,000;  for  meetings,  music,  central  and  local 
headquarters,  and  other  expenses  throughout  the 
city,  about  $4500.  Mr.  Butler,  the  candidate  for 
County  Clerk,  told  me  that  he  personally  spent 
$25,000  in  this  fight.     These  figures  I  give  only 


60  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

approximately  from  memory,  but  they  will  serve 
to  show  how  much  money  was  raised  in  a  canvass 
in  which  not  one  penny,  to  the  knowledge  of  any 
member  of  the  Committee,  of  which  I  was  one, 
was  improperly  spent.  The  Eepublican  party  in- 
dorsed Mr.  Campbell's  candidacy,  and  the  Com- 
mittee was  waited  upon  by  a  committee  from  the 
Republicans,  which  demanded  $15,000  in  order  to 
pay  the  Republican  workers  at  the  polls,  the  same 
to  be  distributed  among  the  Republican  district 
leaders.  This  was  objected  to.  I  was  subsequent- 
ly told  by  two  of  these  leaders  that  this  accounted 
for  Mr.  Campbell's  defeat.  One  of  them  said 
that  he  was  predisposed  to  knife  Mr.  Campbell 
anyhow,  but  when  he  found  that  we  were  not 
willing  to  contribute,  he  determined  to  put  the 
knife  in  up  to  the  hilt.  Another  told  me  that  he 
called  his  "  boys"  together,  and  said  they  had  only 
$15  per  election  district  in  the  treasury,  that  they 
had  made  a  call  on  the  Independents  for  more 
money  and  had  been  refused,  and  asked  what  had 
better  be  done;  whereupon  they  decided  unani- 
mously to  run  Mr.  Edson's  tickets  out  of  their 
booths  as  proper  punishment  for  our  niggardli- 
ness, although  Mr.  Campbell  was  the  regular  can- 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.    61 

didate  of  their  party.  They  might  have  done  as 
was  done  by  an  Assembly  District  leader  of  the 
County  Democracy  in  1884.  He  took  the  money 
of  the  County  Democracy,  and  subsequently,  for 
a  higher  price  paid  by  Tammany  Hall,  destroyed 
certain  of  the  tickets  for  the  distribution  of  which 
he  had  been  paid  by  the  party. 

The  expenditures  that  I  have  tried  to  describe 
in  detail  have  no  reference  whatever  to  Presi- 
dential or  Gubernatorial  years.  In  Presidential 
years,  when  we  have  uniformed  parades,  fireworks, 
torch -light  processions,  great  mass -meetings,  and 
a  two  months'  campaign,  the  amount  is  increased 
beyond  all  believing.  In  1884  it  cost  the  County 
Democracy  of  the  Tenth  District  $1300  for  a 
single  parade  in  which  1500  men  turned  out,  and 
only  600  were  uniformed.  This  corresponding 
item  in  the  Blaine  canvass  must  have  been  some- 
thing incredible.  The  nomination  of  Cleveland 
alone  cost  the  County  Democracy  leaders,  wTho 
were  anxious  to  play  the  role  of  Warwicks,  over 
$100,000,  as  I  have  been  told  by  some  of  those 
leaders  with  the  knowledge  that  I  intended  to 
publish  the  fact.  That  sum  was  made  up  as  fol- 
lows: 


62  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

Taking  twenty-five  men  from  each  Assembly  District,  with 
leaders  and  delegates,  to  Chicago  and  back,  say  six  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men,  at  $22  each $14,300 

Board  allowed  for  six  hundred  and  fifty  men,  at  $10  per 

day  each,  for  seven  days 45,500 

So-called  parlor  expenses,  including  wine  in  the  commit- 
tee-room        10,000 

Or  say $69,800 

the  rest  having  been  spent  by  the  six  hundred 
and  fifty  men  for  items  other  than  those  referred 
to.  Tammany  Hall  is  estimated  to  have  spent 
about  $50,000  on  the  same  pilgrimage. 

Neither  do  the  details  I  have  given  include  ex- 
penses in  and  about  bar-rooms,  loss  of  time,  and 
the  demoralization  of  the  community.  As  in- 
dicative of  how  great  this  latter  can  be,  I  would 
say  that  I  am  credibly  informed  that  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  last  great  Democratic  parade  in  the 
late  Presidential  campaign  they  took  in  $2200  for 
liquors  over  the  Hoffman  House  bar. 

Any  one  familiar  with  politics  can  fix  the  expen- 
ditures in  round  figures  at  $100,000  to  $125,000 
apiece  for  Tammany  Hall  and  the  County  Democ- 
racy in  the  average  year ;  $10,000  to  $20,000  for 
Irving  Hall ;  and  $50,000  to  $75,000  to  the  Kepub- 
lican  party  —  say  a  minimum  of  $265,000,  or  an 


COST  OF  ELECTIONS  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY.    63 

average  of  $307,500;  while  my  calculation  of 
$203,000  distributed  in  districts,  $75,000  for  print- 
ing and  $25,000  for  meetings,  &c,  would  give  a 
total  of  $303,000.  In  addition  to  this  $307,500 
there  is  to  be  calculated  all  of  the  expenditures  of 
candidates  and  their  friends  apart  from  these  con- 
tributions to  the  Machine,  a  fair  estimate  of  which 
for  the  city  at  large  is  $100,000;  and  I  believe  it 
to  be  a  minimum  estimate,  after  asking  the  opin- 
ion of  a  number  of  district  leaders.  This  will 
give  an  item,  consequently,  of  $407,500,  to  which 
let  us  add  the  $290,000  expended  by  the  city  and 
by  the  United  States,  and  we  will  have  a  grand 
total  in  round  figures  of  $700,000  for  an  average 
year,  and  not  a  Presidential  year.  The  item  of 
$307,500  disbursed  by  the  organizations  indepen- 
dent of  the  personal  expenditures  of  candidates 
is  in  excess  of  the  aggregate  assessments  of  can- 
didates, which  I  estimated  at  $211,000,  and  the 
difference  is  made  good  by  the  assessments  on 
office-holders,  levies  on  public  contractors,  and  con- 
tributions from  the  rich  men  of  the  party.  The 
difference  of  $95,500  to  be  thus  accounted  for  in 
all  three  parties  is  a  most  moderate  estimate.  The 
Commissionership  of  Public  Works  and  the  Comp- 


64  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

trollership  are  great  engines  for  facilitating  this 
work  of  subscription  and  collection,  and  have  been 
so  used  to  great  advantage  in  the  past. 

The  entire  machinery  of  politics  thus  pivots 
on  the  manner  of  election,  the  legal  recognition 
of  parties,  the  ability  of  parties  to  levy  assess- 
ments on  office-seekers  and  office-holders,  the  prac- 
tical exclusion,  because  of  the  expensiveness  of 
elections,  of  independent  nominations  and  work, 
the  resulting  control  of  the  ballots  by  Assembly 
District  leaders,  and  the  distribution  of  ballots  to 
voters  on  election-day  by  their  subordinates  and 
followers  —  which,  in  a  word,  amounts  to  a  mo- 
nopoly in  the  hands  of  the  leaders  of  the  Machines, 
not  only  of  the  power  of  nomination,  but  of  the 
elective  franchise  itself. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE   EVIL   AND  THE   REMEDY. 

The  system  of  heavy  political  assessments,  and 
of  the  employment  of  large  numbers  of  paid  work- 
ers at  the  polls,  is  of  comparatively  recent  growth. 
It  was  between  1860  and  1872  that  onr  municipal 
politics  developed  those  phases  of  corruption  which 
have  since  been  a  hinderance  to  the  extension  of 
democratic  institutions  the  world  over.  The  char- 
acteristic features  of  the  political  evils  of  this  pe- 
riod were  three :  gigantic  frauds  upon  the  public 
treasury,  the  open  use  of  immense  sums  of  money 
at  the  polls,  and  the  almost  equally  open  frauds  in 
polling  and  canvassing  the  votes.  When  the  Tweed 
King  came  into  possession  of  both  the  political  and 
official  machinery  of  the  city,  their  method  was  an 
exceedingly  simple  one.  [They  distributed  the 
nominations  and  the  offices  among  themselves, 
and  tapped  the  public  till  to  pay  the  expenses  of 
the  election.    There  was  no  necessity  for  imposing 

5  J 


66  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

heavy  assessments  on  candidates,  for  the  organiza- 
tion, as  such,  did  not  assume  the  burden  of  respon- 
sibility for  their  election  in  the  same  way  in  which 
it  now  does.  Each  candidate  looked  out  for  his 
own  election,  employed  his  own  men,  and  he  and 
they  spent  his  or  the  city's  money  to  carry  the 
day.  The  sums  of  money  spent  were  quite  as 
large,  if  not  larger  than  those  spent  to-day,  but 
they  were  not  raised  by  means  of  assessments,  and 
were  not  disbursed  through  the  agents  of  the  party 
machine  as  such.*  Thus,  when  John  JVicCool  ran 
for  Register,  in  1864,  he  paid  the  highest  assess- 
ment ever  known  up  to  that  time,  viz.,  $5000. 
The  successful  candidate  for  Surrogate  in  1862 
and  1863  paid  an  assessment  of  $100  each  time, 
and  in  1866,  when  he  was  elected  for  the  third 
time,  the  fight  being  exceptionally  severe,  he  was 
assessed  but  $2000.  It  was  customary  to  tax 
the  candidate  for  the  Street  Commissionership,  in 
whose  office  were  performed  most  of  the  duties 
now  falling  upon  the  Commissioner  of  Public 
Works,  only  $500.  When  Connolly  ran  for  Coun- 
ty Clerk,  his  assessment   was  $2500;   and   when 

*  See  Appendix  III. 


THE   £VIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  67 

John  Kelly  last  ran  for  Sheriff  he  was  assessed 
only  $2000  by  the  party.  He  subsequently  as- 
sessed W.  Ii.  Roberts  $25,000  for  the  same  office, 
although  it  is  understood  that  the  latter  refused 
to  pay  so  exorbitant  a  tax.  The  aggregate  of 
j  Tammany's  assessments  on  candidates)in  1875,  I 
am  told  by  a  member  of  its  Finance  Committee 
of  that  year,  was  $162,000,  that  being  the  first  elec- 
tion after  the  wages  of  laborers  on  the  city  pay- 
rolls had  been  reduced  by  Tammany  officials  to 
$1.60  per  day,  and  a  large  fund  being  needed  to 
make  good  the  defection. 

The  era  of  high  assessments  was  ushered  in  by 
Mr.  Kelly,  whose  name  belongs  to  history,  and 
whose  deeds  must  be  treated  by  history  the  same 
as  those  of  every  other  man  who  has  filled  a  large 
place  in  public  life.  He  was  a  great  leader  and  a 
thorough  organizer.  No  one  knew  better  than  he 
the  value  of  organization,  and  he  centred  every- 
thing in  the  organization.  He  saw  the  evil  of  the 
expenditure  of  money  by  candidates,  and  sought 
to  reduce  it  by  adopting  a  new  system.  He  in- 
duced his  party  to  levy,  and  its  candidates  to  pay, 
large  assessments,  and  the  organization  then  as- 
sumed  the   entire   responsibility   for   the   result. 


68  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

This  was  at  the  time  a  decided  improvement  over 
the  pre-existing  state  of  affairs;  ultimately  the 
candidates  spent  less  money  and  corruption  was 
less  rife.  This  continued  to  be  the  case  until  the 
factional  dissensions  in  the  Democratic  party  grew 
to  be  such  as  to  threaten  the  permanency  of  Tam- 
many's power.  By  this  time,  as  the  result  of  sev- 
eral causes,  of  which  the  assessment  system  was 
one  of  the  chief,  the  tendency  of  the  "organiza- 
tion" was  to  absorb  both  party  feeling  and  patri- 
otism. The  organization  came  to  be  everything, 
and  it  decided  who  of  its  leaders,  and  in  what  or- 
der, were  to  be  compensated  for  their  service  and 
fealty.  Thus  it  was  the  custom  for  years  for  Tam- 
many to  require  all  who  had  received  office  at  its 
hands  to  practically  delegate  to  it  all  subordinate 
appointments.  For  instance,  when  vacancies  for 
commissionerships  occurred,  if  Tammany  had  suc- 
ceeded in  electing  its  Mayor,  the  organization 
would  select  the  man  for  the  vacancy  and  present 
his  name  to  the  Mayor,  who  was  expected  to  ap- 
point the  nominee.  This  is  the  reason  why  Tam- 
many has  fallen  out  with  every  Mayor  and  every 
Governor  since  1872,  the  last  ones  always  tempo- 
rarily excepted.     Sometimes  the  organization  was 


'THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  69 

sufficiently  gracious  to  submit  a  small  list,  and 
thus  afford  a  narrow  margin  for  selection.  In 
this  way  each  district  leader  knew  that  he  would 
be  reached  in  order  if  he  were  loyal  and  energetic. 
The  esprit  de  corps  of  the  machine  thus  became 
almost  as  perfect  as  that  of  Napoleon's  army. 
The  same  tendency  was  developed  in  the  Repub- 
lican machine ;  and  when  the  County  Democracy 
came  into  existence  in  1881,  being  required  to 
fight  a  machine  so  organized,  it  soon  adopted  the 
plan  of  "fighting  the  devil  with  fire."  The  as- 
sessment principle,  as  wTell  as  the  principle  of  the 
usurpation  by  the  organization  of  the  right  to  de- 
cide which  of  its  members  was  to  be  honored  by 
appointment  to  office,  were  both  adopted  to  their 
fullest  extent.  This  was  from  no  motive  of  fraud 
or  corruption,  but  because  it  was  the  dominant 
idea  of  the  day,  and  seemed  to  be  the  only  plan 
by  which  an  organization  could  be  created  suc- 
cessfully to  combat  Tammany  Hall.  The  contest 
between  Tammany  and  the  County  Democracy  re- 
sulted naturally  enough  in  both  organizations  car- 
rying these  principles  to  an  extreme.  Each  needed 
more  money  because  of  the  conditions  of  the  con- 
flict, and    each  increased   the  assessments.     Each 


70  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

required  a  more  marked  party  loyalty,  a  more 
compact  organization,  and  each  viewed  with  great- 
er jealousy  all  official  acts  which  they  required  to  yy 
be  done  as  recognitions  of  the  organization.  A 
Mayor,  a  Comptroller,  a  Commissioner  of  Public 
Works,  or  a  Police  Commissioner  could  only  prove 
his  fidelity  to  the  organization  by  making  his  ap- 
pointments from  among  those  whom  the  organiza- 
tion and  not  he  had  selected.  The  system  thus 
readied  its  acme,  and  it  so  exists  to-day.  There  is 
a  controversy  now  pending  which  perfectly  illus- 
trates this  state  of  affairs.  By  section  1850  of 
the  Consolidation  Act,  as  previously  pointed  out, 
the  Republican  inspectors  of  elections  and  poll- 
clerks  are  named  by  the  Republican  Police  Com- 
missioners solely,  and  the  Democratic  inspectors 
and  poll-clerks  by  the  Democratic  Commissioners. 
Now,  John  Simpson  is  the  leader  of  the  Republi- 
can district  organization  of  the  Sixth  Assembly 
District.  Prior  to  the  last  election  he  prepared  a 
list  of  men  whom  he  desired  to  be  appointed  as 
inspectors  and  poll-clerks,  and  presented  it  to  the 
Republican  President  of  the  Board  of  Police,  Mr. 
S.B.French.  There  was,  however,  an  opposition 
to  Simpson  in  his  district  committee,  and  the  op- 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  71 

position  also  prepared  a  list  which  it  presented  to 
Commissioner  French.  The  latter  divided  the  ap- 
fc  pointments  between  the  two  factions.  This  so  in- 
censed Simpson's  sense  of  political  and  legal  fair- 
ness that  he,  claiming  that  as  district  leader  he  had 
an  absolute  right  to  name  the  men  to  be  appointed 
by  the  Republican  Commissioners,  has  now  pre- 
ferred charges  against  the  Republican  President 
of  the  Board  of  Police  to  the  Republican  County 
Committee,  of  which  both  the  accuser  and  accused 
are  members.  Mr.  French  quite  naturally  and 
properly  answers  the  charges  by  saying  that  the 
organization  has  no  jurisdiction  to  try  him  for  his 
official  acts  as  Police  Commissioner.  But  such  a 
pretension  as  that  of  the  district  leader  is  the  nec- 
essary and  proper  fruit  of  the  political  system  by 
which  this  city  is  now  governed.  It  has  been  a 
gradual  growth ;  but  now,  having  reached  its  cli- 
max, the  principles  upon  which  it  is  founded  have 
become  so  firmly  fixed  that  even  when  the  organi- 
zations merge  their  differences  and  act  in  concert, 
assessments  are  levied  and  workers  are  employed 
just  as  though  the  Machines  were  at  wTar,  and  after 
the  election  each  organization  strives  to  secure 
places  for  itself,  and  to  say  who  shall  fill  them, 


72  MACHINE   POLITICS. 

adapting  their  principles  to  their  claims  on  the 
half  loaf  as  they  would  have  done  if  it  were  the 
whole. 

All  this,  however,  does  not  necessarily  imply  in- 
dividual corruption  on  the  part  of  the  leaders.  It 
makes  corruption  easy,  but  it  does  not  necessitate 
it.  The  condition  of  the  law  presupposed  some 
machinery  or  other,  not  provided  for  by  law,  but 
the  Machines  have  grown  stronger  than  the  law. 
The  ultimate  result  is  that  one -fifth  of  our  elec- 
tors are  under  pay  of  parties  or  candidates  on  elec- 
tion-day ;  that  offices  are  not  unfrequently  practi- 
cally put  up  at  auction  to  the  highest  bidder;  that 
public  spirit  is  rendered  both  hopeless  and  help- 
less ;  and  that  the  members  of  the  Machines  alone, 
and  not  the  people,  truly  enjoy  the  benefits  of  the 
electoral  franchise. 

It  is  not  even  regarded  as  an  open  question  in 
this  country  whether  the  State  should  take  any 
part  in  so  much  of  the  machinery  of  elections  as 
applies  to  the  manner  in  which  candidates  shall  be 
placed  in  nomination,  or  the  expense  of  printing 
and  distributing  the  ballots  to  the  electors  shall  be 
borne.  Up  to  the  present  time  all  the  States  of 
our  Union  have  uniformly  decided  this  question, 


THE  EVIL  AND   THE   REMEDY.  73 

so  far  as  it  has  come  up  for  decision,  in  favor  of 
the  non-interference  of  the  State  in  these  particu- 
lar matters,  with  the  exception  of  some  legislation 
concerning  Primary  Elections.  Down  to  about 
1870  our  own  State  occupied  this  same  ground, 
even  as  to  the  matter  of  registration  of  voters; 
and  even  to-day,  throughout  the  rural  districts,  it 
is  not  deemed  necessary  that  the  State  should  in- 
terfere to  the  extent  of  compelling  a  registration. 
It  was  only  the  peculiar  history  of  the  elections 
in  our  own  city  and  in  Brooklyn,  between  the 
years  1860  and  1870,  which  compelled  the  State 
to  depart  from  this  principle  of  non-interference, 
to  the  extent  of  enacting  the  general  principles 
of  the  election  laws  now  in  force. 
(The  law  thus  refuses  to  take  any  part  in  the  ac- 
tion of  individuals  or  parties  looking  to  the  nomi- 
nation or  election  of  candidates,  other  than  to  see 
that  no  person,  and  he  an  elector,  votes  more  than 
once,  and  that  each  vote  is  counted  for  one  and  no 
moreJ  It  is  apparent,  therefore,  on  its  face  that  if 
any  election  is  to  take  place  at  all  in  great  cities, 
extra-legal  machinery  must  be  brought  into  exist- 
ence. Party  government  is  a  natural  and,  I  be- 
lieve, a  necessary  outgrowth  of  our  constitutional 


* 


74  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

system,  and  party  government  can  only  exist 
coupled  with  party  machinery,  but  not  necessarily 
the  particular  party  machinery  which  we  know. 
The  law  presumes  that  the  machinery  of  parties 
will  be  sufficient  to  do,  and  do  in  the  best  possible 
way,  all  those  things  incident  to  an  election,  con- 
cerning which  the  law  itself  is  silent.  It  is  un- 
just and  improper,  therefore,  to  condemn  our  Ma- 
chines simply  because  they  are  Machines.  They 
are  blameworthy  only  in  so  far  directly  as  they  are 
engines  of  corruption,  and  indirectly  as  militating 
against  the  true  spirit  of  republican  institutions. 
If  the  law  does  not  compel  the  public  treasury  to 
bear  the  burden  of  printing  the  tickets  for  an  elec- 
tion, which  is  quite  as  essential  an  expenditure  as 
that  of  supplying  the  ballot-boxes  and  the  registry 
of  voters,  the  burden  for  the  payment  of  which  is 
a  public  burden,  it  is  because  it  is  assumed  that 
this  work  will  be  done  voluntarily  by  individuals. 
The  individuals  w7ho  do  it  cannot  wrork  singly  and 
alone,  but  have  to  work  in  concert,  and  the  very 
minute  this  concert  of  action  is  organized  you  have 
at  least  the  beginnings  of  a  Machine.  It  is  natural 
that  those  who  have  the  greatest  stake  in  the  elec- 
tion— that  is,  the  office-holders  themselves — should 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.      75 

wish  to  continue  in  the  employment  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  to  perpetuate  their  influence.  We 
will  assume  that  every  one  of  them  is  honestly, 
earnestly,  and  patriotically  performing  the  duties 
of  his  office,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they 
act  together  to  make  the  necessary  provision  for 
an  essential  part  of  the  machinery  of  elections. 
The  community  of  their  interests  welds  them  into 
an  organized  body  ;  the  permanency  of  their  inter- 
est keeps  them  practically  in  the  field  at  all  times. 
They  are  thus  really  only  devoting  themselves  to 
their  own  business  when  they  are  doing  what  the 
law  expects  some  citizens,  if  not  all,  to  do.  The 
merchant,  the  banker,  and  the  lawyer  are  no  more 
attending  to  their  business  when  occupied  in  their 
offices  than  the  politician  is  in  attending  his  club 
or  his  committee  meetings;  and  no  man  can  be 
blamed  for  attending  to  his  own  business,  if  his 
business  be  recognized  by  law  as  honest  and  repu- 
table. One  man  makes  the  public  business  so  far 
his  own  that  the  two  are  treated  as  practically  iden- 
tical, while  the  other  man's  affairs  are  entirely  pri- 
vate in  their  character  and  disassociated  altogether 
from  those  of  the  public.  (The  great  majority  of 
those  who,  being  public  servants,  are  also  practi- 


76  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

cally  interested  in  the  organization  and  manage- 
ment of  political  Machines,  are  painstaking  and 
careful  officers  who  are  actually  doing  at  all  times 
what  the  law  expects  all  men  to  do,  and  what  the 
newspaper  press  and  the  general  public  sentiment 
is  continually  asserting  all  men  should  do.  The 
Machine  really  exists  as  incident  to  the  assump- 
tions of  the  law  which  have  been  spoken  of,  and 
it  is  not  necessarily  corrupt.  The  remedy  for  the 
evils  incident  to  the  existence  of  the  Machines  is 
not  by  indiscriminately  attacking  the  "practical 
politicians  "  and  office-holders.  This  has  been  done 
to  such  an  extent  that  many  self-respecting  men 
no  longer  dare  accept  office  or  devote  their  abili- 
ties to  the  service  of  the  public,  either  officially  or 
in  active  politics.  That  the  Machines  give  birth 
to  corruption  and  degenerate  into  engines  of  evil, 
there  is  no  room  for  doubt ;  but  no  Machine,  as  a 
Machine,  is  radically  blameworthy  so  long  as  our 
law  remains  as  it  is./ From  time  to  time,  Machines 
organized  for  temporary  purposes  spring  into  ex- 
istence, conduct  campaigns  on  virtually  the  same 
principles  as  those  pursued  by  the  regular  Ma- 
chines, achieve  victory  or  undergo  defeat,  and  then 
go  out  of  existence.    Such  Machines  are  frequently 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  77 

applauded  for  the  good  they  do,  and  are  rarely 
condemned,  for  the  reason  that  they  are  not  per- 
manent, and  have  not  lived  long  enough  to  degen- 
erate into  corruption  or  to  be  a  menace  to  political 
equality. 

We  are  shocked  to  think  that  twenty  per  cent, 
of  our  voters  are  under  pay  on  election-day ;  but 
if  the  law  makes  no  provision  for  the  payment  / 
of  men  to  distribute  the  ballots,  and  the  Machine 
finds  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  the  ballots  distrib- 
uted except  by  their  employment  at  a  fair  day's 
wages,  no  one  can  complain.  The  price  paid  these 
men  is  less,  on  an  average,  than  that  at  which  the 
law  actually  employs  its  own  election  officers.  Of 
course,  while  it  is  every  man's  affirmative  duty  to 
vote,  it  is  no  man's  affirmative  duty  to  stand  at  the 
polls  all  day  and  supply  other  voters  with  tickets. 
In  like  manner,  while  it  is  every  man's  duty  to 
vote,  it  is  no  man's  duty  to  make  voluntarily  a 
very  heavy  expenditure  in  order  to  supply  the 
tickets  with  which  other  men  shall  vote.  The 
party  organizations,  acting  as  such,  wThether  from 
patriotic  or  other  motives,  volunteer  to  do  the 
duty  which  the  law  assumes  will  be  done  some- 
how or  other.     The  funds  for  the  payment  of  the 


78  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

expense  absolutely  and  necessarily  incident  to  le- 
gal election  must  be  found  in  some  way,  and  they 
are  naturally  found  by  the  men  most  interested  in 
the  result — party  leaders,  office-holders,  and  candi- 
dates for  office.  It  is  natural,  therefore,  that  they 
should,  as  "  practical "  men,  come  to  regard  them- 
selves and  not  the  public  as  the  true  beneficiaries 
of  our  political  system. 

Although  it  is  certain  that  in  this  city  much  of 
the  money  raised  by  organizations  has  from  time 
to  time  been  misappropriated  by  the  men  who  have 
collected  and  have  been  relied  upon  to  disburse  it, 
it  is  nevertheless  true  that  far  the  greater  part  of 
this  money  has  been  disposed  of  for  the  purposes 
for  which  it  was  raised,  and  which  the  law  does 
noj  condemn. 

V^The  real  and  justifiable  objections  to  the  Ma- 
chines are  that  they  exist  in  perpetuity,  and  that 
their  leaders  come  to  possess  a  monopoly  of  the 
means  for  supplying  the  necessary  extra-legal  ma- 
chinery of  the  election,/)  Possessing  these  means, 
they  have  to  be  sought  by  any  one  desiring  a 
nomination ;  and  as  a  condition  precedent  to  act- 
ing in  any  one's  behalf,  they  can  insist  upon  con- 
tributions to  their  exchequer  such  as  they  see  fit 


THE   EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  79 

to  impose.  These  are  the  positive  evils  of  the  Ma- 
chine, which  tend  naturally  to  corruption,  because 
they  put  a  premium  on  it.  ffhe  negative  evils  are, 
that  to  conduct  an  election  in  opposition  to  the 
Machines  a  machinery  of  much  the  same  kind  has 
to  be  adopted,  involving  almost  equally  large  ex- 
pense, and  calling  upon  its  leaders  and  subordi- 
nates for  an  amount  of  attention  and  care,  loss  of 
time  and  contributions  of  money,  that  ultimately 
amount  to  an  absolute  deterrent  from  political 
activity,  except  upon  rare  and  unusual  occasions. 
The  Machines  are  thus  left  in  practical  sole  oc- 
cupancy of  the  field,  and  so  far  hold  a  monopoly 
of  the  elective  franchise  that  in  this  city  any  two 
of  the  three  can,'  by  uniting,  make  the  election  of 


their  candidates  a  foregone  conclusion^  So  true  is 
this  that  they  can,  by  combination,  guarantee  the 
election  of  candidates  chosen  at  hazard  from  a  hat, 
or  defeat  almost  any  law  that  can  be  conceived 
providing  for  the  representation  of  minorities. 

In  1873,  when  the  present  charter  of  this  city 
was  enacted,  the  design  was  to  provide  for  minor- 
ity representation  in  electing  the  Board  of  Alder- 
men, where  it  was  believed  to  be  peculiarly  need- 
ed.    The  law,  however,  was  completely  nullified 


80  MACHINE   POLITICS. 

by  the  possibility  of  co-operation  among  parties. 
Thus  it  was  only  necessary  at  any  time  for  any 
two  of  the  three  Machines  to  agree  as  to  which 
candidates  they  would  vote  for,  dividing  them 
among  themselves,  and  having  their  tickets  print- 
ed accordingly,  to  make  the  election  absolutely 
certain.  Consequently,  instead  of  providing  mi- 
nority representation,  the  law  afforded  the  op- 
portunity for  guaranteeing  the  result  of  combina- 
tions between  parties,  thus  making  them,  because 
of  the  assurance  of  success,  almost  completely  ir- 
responsible for  their  nominations.  This  is  only 
one  of  the  many  ways  in  which  it  is  possible  for 
the  election  machinery  existing  in  virtue  of  the 
theory  of  the  law  that  elections  will  be  voluntarily 
conducted,  to  defeat  the  whole  purpose  of  popu- 
lar elections. 

The  remedies  for  the  tyranny  and  irresponsi- 
bilitv  of  the  Machines  have  been  under  discus- 
sion  ever  since  the  evils  first  became  evident. 
It  is  asserted  continually  that  the  only  remedy 
is  an  enlivened  and  enlightened  public  spirit. 
For  many  years  the  pulpit  and  the  press  have 
been  calling  upon  the  people  to  awake  to  a  reali- 
zation of  their  political  duties.     Once  in  a  great 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  81 

while  public  spirit  is  sufficiently  aroused  to  ac- 
complish something  of  good,  and  then  dies  out 
again.  From  time  to  time  new  organizations 
spring  into  existence  with  the  view  of  becoming 
permanent.  At  first,  as  new  Machines  free  from 
corruption,  they  declare  war  against  the  older  and 
corrupter  ones  and  do  good  work ;  but  if  they  live 
long  enough,  they  invariably  fall  into  the  habits 
and  methods  of  all  Machines  whatsoever,  because 
those  habits  and  methods  are  absolutely  incident 
to  the  life  of  political  organizations  under  existing 
conditions.  Some  would  have  us  believe  that 
sporadic  movements  and  temporary  Machines, 
having  so  frequently  proved  a  failure,  are  not  to 
be  relied  on,  but  that  the  Machine  should  be  sup- 
plemented by  a  sort  of  organization  within  the 
organization,  which  shall  watch  the  manner  in 
which  the  party  subordinates  perform  their  duties. 
This  may  be  illustrated  by  the  suggestion  which 
I  have  frequently  heard,  that  while  it  is  necessary 
for  both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 
to  fully  man  the  polls  on  election-day  with  paid 
workers,  there  should  be  another  set  of  volunteer 
patriots  who  should  devote  themselves  to  seeing 
that  the  paid  workers  do  their  duty  and  faithfully 
6 


82  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

earn  their  pay.     But  this  raises  the  old,  old  ques- 
tion, Quis  custodiet  vpsos  custodes  ? 

For  the  purpose  of  meeting  the  corruption 
which  has  prevailed  in  the  matter  of  nominations 
and  preventing  frauds  at  Primary  Elections,  the 
law  has  departed  from  its  principle  of  non-inter- 
ference, and  has  recognized  and  sanctioned  the 
extra-legal  machinery  incident  to  placing  candi- 
dates in  nomination  by  primary  meetings.  This 
is  a  radical  departure  from  the  general  theory  of 
the  law,  and  has  so  far  almost  wholly  failed  in  se- 
curing any  real  improvement  in  the  condition  of 
affairs,  because  the  most  honestly  conducted  pri- 
mary is,  after  all,  only  a  primary  of  the  enrolled 
or  recognized  members  of  a  party  availing  them- 
selves of  the  machinery  supplied  by  the  party.  In 
the  long-run  the  majority  at  a  primary  meeting 
represents  the  party,  and  under  the  existing  sys- 
tems of  organization  the  party  is  for  the  purposes 
of  the  Machine,  as  the  Machine  is  for  the  purposes 
of  the  party,  nothing  more  than  a  number  of  auto- 
cratic leaders.  Reform  by  the  legal  recognition 
of  the  Machines  is,  consequently,  not  only  a  fail- 
ure, but  directly  perpetuates  the  evil  by  the  sanc- 
tion implied  in  its  recognition, 


THE  EVIL   AND   THE  REMEDY.  83 

The  last  noteworthy  fight  by  an  independent 
organization  that  has  recently  been  made  in  this 
city  against  the  dominant  Machines  was  in  1882, 
when  the  Independent  party  had  the  nominal  aid 
and  backing  of  the  Republican  organization,  and 
it  nevertheless  cost  $63,000  to  conduct  the  elec- 
tion. So  long  as  the  law  remains  unchanged,  I  do 
not  believe  that  it  would  be  possible  to  have  an 
independent  municipal  canvass  in  this  city  at  an 
expenditure  of  less  than  that  amount,  unless  the 
movement  were  to  be  conducted  in  concert  with 
some  already  thoroughly  organized  and  well-dis- 
tributed body  of  citizens,  such,  for  instance,  as  the 
labor  organizations  which  used  their  machinery  in 
the  late  canvass,  in  which  Mr.  George  polled  so 
phenomenal  a  vote.  Even  then  the  expense  is 
very  large — so  large  as  for  a  long  time  to  have 
been  a  very  serious  deterrent  to  the  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  labor  organizations  to  act  in  con- 
cert in  any  municipal  movement. 

Besides  vesting  the  power  of  nomination  in  fee- 
simple  in  those  persons  who  practically  own  the 
machinery  for  printing  and  distributing  the  bal- 
lots, the  existing  system  amounts  to  an  almost 
complete  exclusion  from  official  public  life  of  all 


84  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

men  who  are  not  enabled  to  pay,  if  not  a  sum 
equal  to  the  entire  salary  of  the  office  they  seek, 
at  least  a  very  large  percentage  of  it.  The  poor 
man  or  the  moderately  well-to-do  man  is  thus  at 
once  cut  off  from  all  political  ambition,  because 
the  only  key  to  success  is  wealth  or  machine  power. 
The  ablest  lawyer  at  our  bar  could  not  secure  a 
nomination  for  a  judgeship  unless  he  were  able  to 
pay  an  assessment  of  from  $10,000  to  $20,000, 
while  a  mere  political  lawyer,  if  he  have  the  means 
of  paying  his  assessment  and  stands  well  with  the 
party  leaders,  can  without  great  difficulty  secure  a 
nomination  and  even  an  election  to  an  office  for 
which  he  has  no  peculiar  qualifications. 

When,  under  the  old  system,  the  evil  became 
unbearable,  our  present  election  and  registration 
laws  were  enacted.  There  is  to-day  another  evil 
equally  unbearable,  due,  as  the  old  evil  was  due, 
to  the  insufficiency  of  the  election  laws,  and  those 
laws  will  again  have  to  be  changed,  not  by  undo- 
ing anything  that  has  been  done,  but  by  extend- 
ing their  application,  and  by  having  the  State  or 
city  take  into  its  own  hands  all  the  machinery  of 
elections  whatever.  All  other  suggested  remedies 
will  prove  futile,  or  at  best  only  temporary.     The 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  85 

result  of  this  will  be  that  Machines  will  no  longer 
have  to  be  fought  by  Machines,  or  by  an  aroused 
public  spirit,  or  by  appointing  watchers  to  watch 
the  watchers.  Public  spirit  will  have  so  fair  a 
chance  that  it  will  be  awake  at  all  times.  If  a 
method  can  be  found  by  which  all  men  and  all 
Machines  can  be  given  political  equality  before 
the  law,  actually  as  well  as  theoretically,  the  evil 
will  die  a  natural  death.  If  the  city  were  to  print 
and  distribute  the  ballots,  the  result  would  be  that 
the  organizations,  no  longer  having  control  of  the 
machinery  required  for  these  purposes,  would,  as  a 
consequence,  no  longer  have  control  of  the  power 
of  nomination  and  levying  assessments.  The  main- 
spring of  the  Machine  would  be  shattered.  En- 
lightened public  spirit  would  be  no  less  necessary 
than  now.  It  would  be  strengthened  and  con- 
firmed by  the  opportunity  offered  it  by  the  law  to 
really  and  at  all  times  count  for  something.  A 
poor  man  would  have  as  good  an  opportunity  as  a 
rich  man,  and  the  independent  as  fair  a  chance  as 
the  partisan. 

While,  as  a  rule,  social  evils  are  more  difficult  of 
treatment  than  any  others,  because  of  the  com- 
plexity of  the  facts  and  the  difficulty  in  locating 


86 


MACHINE  POLITICS. 


I 


Mi 


their  causes,  it  is  true  that  if  the  causes  be  once 
clearly  defined,  the  evil  is  already  in  a  fair  way  to 
cure  itself.  It  suggests  its  own  remedy.  Let  us 
therefore  try  to  summarize  distinctly  the  causes 
of  the  evil,  and  note  the  remedies  which  they  nat- 
urally suggest. 


THE  EVIL. 

1.  The  necessity  for  volunta- 
rily printing:  and  distributing  the 
ballot  justifies  organization  for 
this  purpose. 

2.  It  practically  vests  the  Ma- 
chines with  the  monopoly  of  the 
election  machinery. 

3.  And,  as  a  consequence,  with 
the  monopoly  of  nomination. 


4.  It  involves  the  necessity  of 
defraying  the  expenses  of  both 
printing  and  distribution  by 
means  of  assessments  on  or  con- 
tributions by  candidates,  office- 
holders, or  party  leaders. 


THE  REMEDY. 

1.  The  printing  and  distribu- 
tion of  all  ballots  at  public  ex- 
pense does  away  with  the  neces- 
sity of  organization  for  this  pur- 
pose. 

2.  And  will  deprive  the  polit- 
ical Machines  of  the  monopoly 
of  an  essential  part  of  the  elec- 
tion machinery. 

3.  It  will  enable  any  body  of 
citizens  of  the  number  prescribed 
by  law  to  have  the  name  of  their 
candidate  printed  on  the  same 
ballot  with  the  names  (jf  all  oth- 
er candidates  for  the  same  office, 
so  that  before  the  law  and  before 
the  voters  all  candidates  and  all 
party  organizations  will  stand  on 
a  perfectly  even  footing. 

4.  This  will  dispense  altogeth- 
er with  the  necessity  of  and  ex- 
cuse for  levying  political  assess- 
ments. 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY. 


87 


THE  EVIL. 

5.  Which  facilitates  bribery 
and  corruption  by  affording  them 
convenient  covers. 


THE  REMEDY. 

5.  And  leave  no  legal  cover 
for  bribery.  The  law  can  de- 
scribe and  limit  all  permissible 
expenditure,  and  compel  the  can- 
didate or  his  agent  to  make  a 
sworn  return  with  vouchers  to  a 
proper  public  officer  for  all  dis- 
bursements. It  may  punish  all 
violations  with  sufficiently  severe 
penalties. 


6.  And  debauches  the  electors         6.  And  prescribe  that  no  elec- 


by  leading  them  to  become  par- 
tisans for  pay  instead  of  honest- 
ly and  from  conviction  perform- 
ing their  duty  as  citizens. 


tor  under  pay  of  a  party  or  can- 
didate shall  be  permitted  to  vote, 
thus  making  it  more  the  interest 
of  candidates  and  parties  not  to 
pay  than  to  pay  for  election  serv- 
ices, and  thus  deterring  all  hon- 
est electors  from  accepting  pay. 


These  are  the  remedies  naturally  suggested  by 
the  evil,  whereas  all  other  suggested  remedies  are 
either  the  nostrums  of  political  quacks,  the  dreams 
of  inexperienced  enthusiasts,  or  measures  of  par- 
tial relief  attacking  the  symptoms  only  and  not 
the  causes  of  the  evil.  Almost  all  of  the  remedies 
which  are  suggested  from  time  to  time  are  wholly 
experimental,  the  results  of  which  for  good  or  ill 
can  only  be  guessed  and  not  known.  If  the  same 
could  be  said  of  the  remedies,  the  necessity  for 
which  is  disclosed  by  an  intimate  and  thorough 


88  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

knowledge  of  the  wrongs  to  be  cured,  we  should 
all  feel  towards  them  as  we  do  towards  the  others, 
that  is,  we  should  doubt  and  mistrust  them  to  the 
point  of  letting  them  go  untried,  rather  than  run 
the  risk  of  intensifying  or  changing  the  character 
of  the  evils  of  which  we  complain.  As  matter  of 
fact,  however,  these  suggested  remedies  are  not 
untried  or  experimental.  They  have  been  'tried, 
and  have  already  accomplished  exactly  the  result 
to  be  expected  of  them. 

A  careful  study  of  the  English  law  of  elections, 
the  Ballot  Acts  and  the  Prevention  of  Corrupt 
Practices  Acts,  will  not  only  suggest  how  our  own 
law  can  be  modified,  but  will  in  many  respects, 
mutatis  mutandis,  afford  a  good  guide  in  drafting 
the  legislation  needed  to  embody  and  apply  the 
remedy.  In  addition  to  this  it  will  show  how 
completely  impossible  it  is,  under  such  a  law  as 
that  which  prevails  in  Great  Britain,  for  the  evils 
from  which  wTe  suffer  to  be  perpetuated  a  single 
day.  After  we  have  studied  these  laws  in  opera- 
tion elsewhere,  and  considered  the  changes  neces- 
sary to  conform  them  to  our  own  system,  we  shall 
be  prepared  not  only  to  solve  the  great  and  diffi- 
cult problem  of  excluding  fraud  and  corruption 


THE  EVIL  AND  THE  REMEDY.  89 

from  municipal  politics,  but  how  to  supply  a 
means  of  actually  divorcing  municipal  from  state 
and  national  politics,  and  of  opening  the  way  to 
the  best  attainable  administration  of  our  municipal 
business,  which,  while  it  bears  no  natural  relation 
to  party  politics,  is  to-day  almost  entirely  sacrificed 
to  it,  and  made  a  mere  counter  in  the  game  of  per- 
sonal or  political  ambition. 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE   REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN   ENGLAND. 

The  whole  of  our  existing  political  machinery 
in  the  city  of  New  York  being  shown  to  be  in- 
cident to  the  fact  that  the  laws  anticipate  some 
extra-legal  means  for  printing  and  distributing  the 
ballots,  only  one  question  remains  to  be  asked, 
viz.,  What  are  the  practical  suggestions  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  law  should  provide  for  the 
performance  of  these  functions  ? 

The  English  Ballot  Act  of  1872  affords  a  most 
practical  and  admirable  model.  This  act  provides 
that  at  every  poll  at  an  election  the  vote  shall  be 
given  by  ballot;  that  the  ballot  of  each  voter  shall 
contain  the  names  and  description  of  all  the  can- 
didates for  the  particular  office  for  which  he  is 
voting,  which  ballot  paper  has  a  number  printed 
on  the  back  of  it,  and  is  attached  to  a  stub,  or 
"  counter-foil,"  as  it  is  called,  with  the  same  num- 
ber printed  on  the  face  of  the  stub.     At  the  time 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    91 

of  voting,  the  ballot  paper  is  marked  on  both  sides 
with  an  official  mark,  and  delivered  to  the  voter  at 
the  polling-place.  All  voters  are  registered  before 
each  election,  and  when  the  voter  has  registered 
he  is  given  a  registration  number.  This  registra- 
tion number  is  marked  on  the  stub  of  the  ballot 
at  the  time  the  ballot  is  delivered  to  him  ;  the 
voter  then  marks  his  vote  on  the  ballot,  which  he 
so  folds  as  to  conceal  his  mark,  and  casts  it  in  the 
box  in  the  presence  of  the  officer  or  inspector  of 
elections,  after  having  shown  him  the  official  mark 
on  the  back  of  the  ballot,  this  being  done  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  the  inspector  to  identify  the 
ballot  as  a  legal  ballot,  distributed  by  the  proper 
officer.  If  any  ballot  is  cast  without  the  official 
mark,  or  if,  in  the  canvass,  it  appears  that  any 
voter  has  voted  for  more  candidates  than  he  has 
a  right  to,  or  if  the  ballot  is  so  written  upon  or 
marked  that  the  voter  himself  can  be  identified 
by  reference  to  the  ticket,  it  is  to  be  treated  as 
void,  and  not  counted  by  the  canvassers. 

Our  own  law  with  regard  to  the  counting  and 
canvassing  of  the  vote  cannot  be  improved.  Were 
we  to  avail  01  the  English  experience,  we  should 
have  to  establish  alongside  of  or  in  our  polling- 


92  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

place  on  election-day  another  place  to  which  each 
voter  could  go  and  get  his  ticket.  This  function 
of  distributing  the  tickets  would  be  performed  by 
two  or  more  officers,  appointed  in  the  same  general 
manner  in  which  the  other  officers  of  election,  say 
poll -clerks  and  inspectors,  are  appointed.  The 
tickets  would  be  printed  by  the  Bureau  of  Elec- 
tions, however  constituted,  in  the  same  manner  in 
which  all  the  other  blanks  and  papers  incident  to 
election  are  now  printed. 

Under  the  English  law  it  is  only  necessary  for 
any  ten  persons  who  desire  to  vote  for  a  candidate 
for  a  municipal  office  to  make  a  certificate  to  that 
effect.  When  such  certificate  is  filed  with  the 
proper  officer,  it  becomes  his  duty  to  print  the 
name  of  such  candidate  upon  the  common  ballot. 
It  would  probably  be  necessary,  because  of  the 
denseness  of  the  population  in  this  city  and  the 
immense  vote  cast,  to  limit  the  right  of  nomina- 
tion by  certificate  in  this  way  to  at  least  fifty  elec- 
tors for  district  officers,  and  a  greater  number  for 
officers  running  in  the  city  at  large.  All  such 
nominations  should  be  required  to  be  made  within 
at  least  fifteen  days  before  the  election,  after  which 
time  no  further  nominations  could  be  made.    The 


THE  REMEDY   AS  APPLIED   IN  ENGLAND.    93 

Bureau  of  Elections  should  be  required  to  publish 
in  the  City  llecord  all  nominations  thus  certified 
at  least  two  days  before  the  third  registration-day, 
inasmuch  as  the  number  of  electors  who  register 
and  vote  is  always  largely  governed  by  the  char- 
acter of  the  nominees.  The  election  officers  would 
then  proceed  to  get  up  the  tickets  and  stubs  as  re- 
quired by  law,  leaving  a  blank  place  on  each  ticket 
to  be  used  by  the  voter- in  case  he  wish  to  vote  for 
any  one  other  than  the  certified  candidates. 

The  following  would  be  the  form  of  the  face  of 
the  ballot  paper  and  of  the  stub  from  which  it  is 
torn  when  delivered  to  the  voter: 


Stub, 


Ballot. 


Stub  No. 

«  a 

cS    O 

a>  *, 

^  <-> 

A? 
•°      *"> 

■**    —    O 

M  OS 

CD 

s-   a> 

8- 

«4-i 

o  o 

*M 


-a 


BROWN. 

John  Brown  of East  Tenth  Street. 

Tailor. 


JOHNS. 
Peter  Johns  of Broadway.     Mer- 
chant. 


CLARK. 

Thaddeus  Clark  of West  Twelfth  Street. 

Printer. 


Sherman. 
George  Henry  Sherman  of  — 
Street.     Lawyer. 


94  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

Thus,  if  we  were  to  adopt  this  system  for  any 
aldermanic  election  in  the  Twentieth  Assembly 
District,  for  instance,  any  fifty  electors  could  place 
whomsoever  they  please  in  nomination,  and  his 
name  would  be  printed  with  the  names  of  all  oth- 
er persons  so  nominated  upon  a  common  ticket. 
This  ticket  being  printed  and  distributed  at  pub- 
lic expense,  and  the  names  of  all  candidates  alike 
coming  before  every  voter  with  perfect  impartial- 
ity and  absolute  fairness,  the  Machine  would  lose 
its  entire  value,  because  the  nomination  of  any 
fifty  citizens  would  be  just  as  good,  just  as  valu- 
able, as  the  nominations  of  the  strongest  organiza- 
tions. The  room  for  organized  work  would  be 
only  such  as  was  left  for  a  fair  and  proper  canvass 
of  the  district  prior  to  the  election,  and  on  elec- 
tion-day for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  most 
votes  possible  for  each  candidate. 

The  following  is  the  form  of  directions  for  the 
guidance  of  the  voter  in  voting,  which  is  required 
by  the  English  law  to  be  printed  in  conspicuous 
characters  and  placarded  in  every  polling-station 
and  in  every  compartment  of  every  polling-station : 

"  The  voter  may  vote  for candidates.     The 

voter  will  go  into  one  of  the  compartments  (which 


THE  REMEDY   AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.     95 

are  like  simple  booths  temporarily  set  up  at  each 
distribution-place),  and  with  a  pencil  provided  in 
the  compartment,  place  a  cross  on  the  right-hand 
side  opposite  the  name  of  each  candidate  for  whom 
he  votes,  thus:  -f .  The  voter  will  then  fold  up 
the  ballot  paper,  so  as  to  show  the  official  mark  on 
the  back,  and  leaving  the  compartment,  will,  with- 
out showing  the  front  of  the  paper  to  any  person, 
show  the  official  mark  on  the  back  to  the  presiding 
officer  (the  inspector),  and  then  in  the  presence  of 
the  presiding  officer  put  the  paper  into  the  ballot- 
box  and  forthwith  quit  the  polling-station.  If  the 
voter  inadvertently  spoils  a  ballot  paper,  he  can  re- 
turn it  to  the  officer,  who  will,  if  satisfied  of  such 
inadvertence,  give  him  another  paper. 

"  If  the  voter  votes  for  more  than candidate, 

or  places  any  mark  on  the  paper  by  which  he  may 
be  afterwards  identified,  his  ballot  paper  will  be 
void  and  will  not  be  counted. 

"  If  the  voter  takes  a  ballot  paper  out  of  the 
polling-station,  or  deposits  in  the  ballot-box  any 
other  paper  than  the  one  given  him  by  the  officer, 
he  will  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  be  subject 
to  imprisonment  for  any  term  with  or  without 
hard  labor," 


96  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

The  schedule  adds  the  following:  "Note. — These 
directions  shall  be  illustrated  by  examples  of  the 
ballot  paper." 

Of  course,  the  form  of  directions  here  would  be 
made  to  conform  to  the  particular  provisions  of 
our  own  statute  as  to  penalties,  etc.,  as  they  might 
be  prescribed. 

The  English  rules  for  the  conduct  of  the  elec- 
tion require  that  proper  polling- places  shall  be 
provided  by  the  proper  officers  in  much  the  same 
way  that  our  own  law  provides  for  the  leasing  of 
proper  places  by  the  Bureau  of  Elections.  The 
election  officers  are  required  to  provide  the  poll- 
ing-place with  materials  to  mark  the  ballot  papers, 
with  instruments  for  stamping  the  official  mark 
upon  them,  and  with  copies  of  a  registry  of  voters 
or  of  such  part  thereof  as  contains  the  names  of 
the  voters  allotted  to  vote  at  such  station.  They 
are  required  to  keep  the  official  mark  secret. 

In  our  own  system  not  only  is  the  register  of 
voters  always  present  on  election-day,  but  if  extra 
registers  are  needed  for  any  purpose  whatever, 
they  are  easily  had,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  before 
election  the  entire  registry  is  printed  by  Assem- 
bly Districts  in  the  City  Record.    Under  the  Eng- 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED    IN   ENGLAND.     97 

lish  system,  the  officer  designated  by  law  is  re- 
quired, on   the  application   of  any  voter  who  is 
incapacitated  by  blindness  or  any  other  physical 
cause  from  voting  in  the  manner  prescribed   by 
law,  or  of  any  voter  who  makes  declaration  that 
he  is   unable  to  read,  to  cause  the  vote  of  such 
voter  to  be  marked  on  the  ballot  paper  in  such 
manner  as  the  voter  directs,  in  the  presence  of  the 
agents  of  the  several  candidates,  if  they  desire  to 
be  present,  and  the  ballot  paper  to  be  placed  in 
the  ballot-box.     The  name  and  number  of  every 
voter  whose  vote  is  marked  in  pursuance  of  this 
rule,  and  the  reason  why  it  is  so  marked,  is  re- 
quired to  be  entered  on  a  list  known  to  the  law  as 
"  the  list  of  votes  marked  by  the  election  officer." 
The  declaration  of  inability  to  read  is  required  to 
be  made  by  the  voter,  at  the  time  of  voting,  be- 
fore the  presiding  officer  at  the  election,  who  is 
required  to  attest  it.     Any  voter  who  has  inad- 
vertently dealt  with  his  ballot  in  such  a  manner 
as  that  it  cannot  be  conveniently  used  as  a  ballot 
paper,  may,  upon  delivering  it  to  the  ballot  officer, 
obtain  another  ballot  paper  in   the  place  of  the 
one  so  delivered  up,  and  the  spoiled  ballot  paper 
is  required  to  be  immediately  cancelled. 
7 


98  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

It  is  needless  to  go  into  minor  details.  It  is 
quite  sufficient  to  point  out  these  general  features. 
Our  existing  law  would  not  require  great  modifi- 
cation or  many  amendments  to  incorporate  into  it 
the  best  and  most  material  features  of  this  system. 
If  it  were  done,  the  plea  for  assessments,  because  of 
the  necessity  of  providing  an  extra-legal  machinery 
for  printing  and  distributing  the  ballot,  would  at 
once  disappear;  the  immense  tax,  which  is  now 
unequally  borne  by  the  electors,  would  be  borne 
by  all  alike,  because  these  expenditures  are  as  en- 
tirely public  in  their  character  as  the  expenditures 
for  registration  or  canvassing  the  ballots. 

It  would  only  be  necessary  to  go  one  step  fur- 
ther to  remove  the  last  great  opportunity  or  open- 
ing for  fraud  or  corruption  in  the  contribution 
or  use  of  money.  The  foregoing  suggestions,  if 
adopted  and  added  to  our  existing  laws,  would 
make  them  include,  as  they  should,  the  entire 
machinery  of  elections.  But  even  if  all  of  this 
machinery  were  under  the  control  of  the  State 
it  would  still  be  possible  for  organizations  and 
candidates,  by  the  lavish  and  corrupt  use  of  money, 
to  secure  the  election  by  the  purchase  of  votes. 
No  country  in  the  world  has  probably  ever  suf- 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN   ENGLAND.    99 

fered  more  from  this  evil  than  England,  and  we 
may  well  profit  by  its  experience. 

There  the  first  act  for  the  prevention  of  corrupt 
practices  was  passed  in  1854.  It  has  been  followed 
by  a  number  of  others  of  an  amendatory  character. 
All  elections  are  now  conducted  under  the  general 
provisions  of  the  Corrupt  and  Illegal  Practices  Act 
of  1883. 

The  Municipal  Corporations  Act  of  1882,  by  sec- 
tion 75,  provides  that  a  person  guilty  of  corrupt 
practices  at  a  municipal  election  shall  be  liable  to 
the  like  actions,  prosecutions,  penalties,  forfeitures^ 
and  punishments,  as  if  the  corrupt  practice  had 
been  committed  at  a  Parliamentary  election.  The 
provisions  of  the  Corrupt  Practice  Preventions 
acts  of  1854,  1858,  and  1863  and  1883,  are  thus 
made  directly  applicable  to  municipal  and  borough 
elections. 

The  first  of  these  acts  as  amended  starts  out  with 
a  definition  of  bribery  which  is  so  much  fuller  and 
better  than  that  of  our  own  law  as  to  justify  its 
quotation.  The  following  persons  are  declared  to 
be  guilty  of  bribery  : 

"  1.  Every  person  who  shall  directly  or  indirectly 
by  himself  or  by  any  other  person  on  his  behalf 


100  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

give,  lend,  or  agree  to  give  or  lend,  or  shall  offer, 
promise,  or  promise  to  procure,  or  to  endeavor  to 
procure  any  money  or  valuable  consideration  to 
or  for  any  voter,  or  to  or  for  any  person  on  behalf 
of  any  voter,  or  to  or  for  any  other  person  in  order 
to  induce  any  voter  to  vote  or  refrain  from  voting, 
or  shall  corruptly  do  any  such  act  as  aforesaid  on 
account  of  such  voter  having  voted  or  refrained 
from  voting  at  an  election. 

"  2.  Every  person  who  shall  directly  or  indirectly 
by  himself  or  by  any  other  person  on  his  behalf 
give  or  procure,  or  agree  to  give  or  procure,  or 
offer  or  promise  to  procure,  or  to  endeaver  to  pro- 
cure any  office,  place,  or  employment,  to  or  for 
any  voter,  or  to  or  for  any  person  on  behalf  of 
any  voter,  or  to  or  for  any  other  person,  in  order 
to  induce  such  voter  to  vote  or  refrain  from  vot- 
ing, or  shall  corruptly  do  any  act  as  aforesaid  on 
account  of  any  voter  having  voted  or  refrained 
from  voting  at  any  election. 

"3.  Every  person  who  shall  directly  or  indirectly 
by  himself  or  by  any  other  person  on  his  behalf 
make  any  such  gift,  loan,  offer,  promise,  procure- 
ment, or  agreement  as  aforesaid  to  or  for  any  per- 
son in  order  to  induce  such  person  to  procure  or 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.     101 

endeavor  to  procure  the  return  of  any  person  to 
serve  in  Parliament  (or  any  municipal  office)  or  the 
vote  of  any  voter  at  any  election. 

"4.  Every  person  who  shall  upon  or  in  conse- 
quence of  any  such  gift,  loan,  oSerj  promise,  pro- 
curement, or  agreement,  procure  or  engage,  proa? 
ise  or  endeavor  to  procure  the  return  of  any  person 
to  serve  in  Parliament  (or  any  municipal  office)  or 
the  vote  of  any  voter  at  any  election. 

"5.  Every  person  who  shall  advance  or  pay,  or 
cause  to  be  paid  any  money  to  or  to  the  use  of  any 
other  person,  with  the  intent  that  such  money  or 
any  part  thereof  shall  be  expended  in  bribery  at 
any  election,  or  who  shall  knowingly  pay  or  cause 
to  be  paid  any  money  to  any  person  in  discharge 
or  repayment  of  any  money  wholly  or  in  part  ex- 
pended in  bribery  at  any  election. 

"  Provided  always  that  the  aforesaid  enactment 
shall  not  extend  or  be  construed  to  extend  to  any 
money  paid  or  agreed  to  be  paid  for  or  on  account 
of  any  legal  expenses  honafide  incurred  at  or  con- 
cerning any  election.  The  following  persons  are 
deemed  guilty  of  bribery  : 

"1.  Every  voter  who  shall  before  or  during  any 
election,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  himself  or  by 


102  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

any  other  person  on  his  behalf  receive,  agree,  or 

contract  for  any  money,  gift,  loan,  or  valuable 

consideration,  office,  place  or  employment  for  him- 

..>  $elf  or  for  any  other  person,  for  voting  or  agree- 

*  *d» g  to  VofQj'pf  for  refraining  or  agreeing  to  re- 

/•  ♦  [  ;f rjaith;  i ron}  voting*  at  any  election. 

c*2!  Evfefjf  person  who  shall  at  any  election,  di- 
rectly or  indirectly,  by  himself  or  by  any  other 
person  on  his  behalf,  receive  any  money  or  valua- 
ble consideration  on  account  of  any  person  for 
voting  or  refraining  from  voting  or  having  in- 
duced any  other  person  to  vote  or  refrain  from 
voting  at  any  election." 

Treating  is  defined  by  the  Act  of  1883  : 
"  1.  Any  person  who  corruptly  by  himself  or  by 
any  other  person  either  before,  during,  or  after  an 
election  directly  or  indirectly  gives,  or  provides, 
or  pays  wholly  or  in  part  the  expense  of  giving 
or  providing  any  meat,  drink,  entertainment,  or 
provision  to  or  for  any  person  for  the  purpose 
of  corruptly  influencing  that  person  or  any  oth- 
er person  to  give  or  refrain  from  giving  his 
vote  at  the  election  or  on  account  of  such  person 
or  any  other  person  having  voted,  or  refrained 
from    voting,  or  being  about  to  vote  or  refrain 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED   IN  ENGLAND.    103 

from  voting  at  such  election,  shall  be  guilty  of 
treating. 

"  2.  And  every  elector  who  corruptly  accepts  or 
takes  any  such  meat,  drink,  entertainment,  or  pro- 
vision shall  also  be  guilty  of  treating." 

Undue  influence  is  defined  as  follows : 

"Every  person  who  shall  directly  or  indirectly 
by  himself  or  by  any  other  person  on  his  behalf  make 
use  of  or  threaten  to  make  use  of  any  force,  vio- 
lence, or  restraint,  or  inflict  or  threaten  to  inflict 
by  himself  or  by  any  other  person,  any  temporal 
or  spiritual  injury,  damage,  harm,  or  loss  upon  or 
against  any  person,  in  order  to  induce  or  compel 
such  person  to  vote  or  refrain  from  voting,  or  on 
account  of  such  person  having  voted  or  refrained 
from  voting  at  any  election,  or  who  shall  by  ab- 
duction, duress,  or  any  fraudulent  device  or  con- 
trivance impede  or  prevent  the  free  exercise  of 
the  franchise  of  any  elector,  or  shall  thereby  com- 
pel, induce,  or  prevail  upon  any  elector  either  to 
give  or  to  refrain  from  giving  his  vote  at  any  elec- 
tion, shall  be  guilty  of  undue  influence." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  every  possible  form  of 
corruption  at  an  election,  commonly  referred  to  in 
this  country  as  bribery,  is  covered  by  these  defini- 


104  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

tions  of  bribery  and  treating.  As  to  the  provision 
against  undue  influence,  if  we  were  to  adopt  it,  it 
would  put  an  end  to  numberless  evils  which  now 
tend  to  defeat  a  free  election,  such  as  the  compul- 
sion of  employes  by  their  em  foyers  to  vote  for 
any  particular  person,  no  matter  how  cunningly 
such  compulsion  were  to  be  disguised,  the  threat 
of  discipline  by  a  party  Machine,  club,  or  other 
political  or  social  organization,  or  the  threat  to 
boycott  or  expel  from  a  trade-union  or  other  labor 
organization  any  person  refusing  to  vote  as  such 
organization  might  dictate,  or  any  religious  influ- 
ence whatever.  The  necessity  for  some  such  legis- 
lation is  urgent,  although  it  must  be  admitted  to 
be  difficult  of  procurement  at  the  hands  of  our 
Legislatures. 

The  law  provides  proper  penalties  for  each  of 
the  foregoing  offences,  as  well  as  for  the  false  and 
fraudulent  personation,  or  the  procurement  of  the 
personation,  of  any  elector.  These  may  be  de- 
scribed as  the  great  or  major  corrupt  practices. 
The  minor  corrmpt  practices  are  referred  to  in  the 
succeeding  sections  of  the  statute,  thus: 

Sec.  7  of  the  Act  prescribes — 

"  1.  No  payment  or  contract  for  payment  shall 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    105 

for  the  purpose  of  promoting  or  procuring  the 
election  of  a  candidate  at  any  election,  be  made — 

"  (a)  On  account  of  the  conveyance  of  electors  to 
or  from  the  poll,  whether  for  the  hiring  of  horses 
or  carriages,  or  for  railway  fares  or  otherwise  (but 
electors  are  permitted  to  hire  conveyance  for  them- 
selves in  common),  or 

"  (b)  To  an  elector  on  account  of  the  use  of  any 
house,  land,  building,  or  premises  for  the  exhibi- 
tion of  any  address,  bill,  or  notice,  or  on  account 
of  the  exhibition  of  any  address,  bill,  or  notice. 

"  (c)  On  account  of  any  committee-room  in  ex- 
cess of  the  number  allowed  by  the  first  schedule 
to  this  Act. 

"  2.  Subject  to  such  exception  as  may  be  allowed 
in  pursuance  of  this  Act.  If  any  payment  or  con- 
tract for  payment  is  knowingly  made  in  contra- 
vention of  this  section  either  before,  during,  or 
after  an  election,  the  person  making  such  payment 
or  contract  shall  be  guilty  of  an  illegal  practice, 
and  any  person  receiving  such  payment  or  being 
a  party  to  any  such  contract,  knowing  the  same  to 
be  in  contravention  of  this  Act,  shall  also  be  guilty 
of  an  illegal  practice. 

"  3.  Provided  that  where  it  is  the  ordinary  busi- 


106  MACHINE   POLITICS. 

ness  of  an  elector,  as  an  advertising  agent,  to 
accept  for  payment  bills  and  advertisements,  a 
payment  to  or  contract  with  such  elector,  if  made 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  business,  shall  not  be 
deemed  to  be  an  illegal  practice." 

Section  8  prescribes  generally  that  subject  to 
such  exception  as  is  allowed  in  pursuance  of  the 
act  no  sum  shall  be  paid  and  no  expense  shall  be 
incurred  by  a  candidate  at  an  election,  or  by  his 
election  agent,  whether  before,  during,  or  after 
the  election,  on  account  of  or  in  respect  to  the 
conduct  or  management  of  such  election,  in  excess 
of  the  maximum  amount  specified  in  the  first 
schedule  of  the  act ;  and  any  candidate  or  any  elec- 
tion agent  who  knowingly  acts  in  contravention 
of  these  provisions  is  held  to  be  guilty  of  an 
illegal  practice. 

When  a  person  knowingly  provides  money  for 
any  entertainment  contrary  to  the  provisions  of 
the  act,  or  for  any  expenses  incurred  in  excess  of 
the  maximum  amount  allowed  by  the  act,  or  for 
replacing  any  money  expended  in  such  payment 
or  expenses  except  as  allowed  in  pursuance  of  the 
act,  he  is  guilty  of  an  illegal  payment.  A  person 
convicted  of  an  illegal  practice  under  the  forego- 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    107 

ing  sections  of  the  act  is  liable  to  a  fine  not  ex- 
ceeding $500,  and  is  incapable  of  being  registered 
as  an  elector  for  the  period  of  five  years. 

Any  person  who  corruptly  induces  or  procures 
a  candidate  to  withdraw  from  being  a  candidate 
at  any  election  in  consideration  of  the  payment  or 
promise  of  payment,  as  well  as  any  person  with- 
drawing in  pursuance  of  such  an  agreement,  is 
guilty  of  the  offence  of  illegal  payment. 

No  payment  or  contract  for  payment  for  the 
purpose  of  promoting  or  procuring  the  election  of 
a  candidate  at  any  election  is  permitted  to  be 
made  on  account  of  bands  of  music,  torches,  flags, 
banners,  cockades  or  ribbons,  or  other  marks  of 
distinction.  Any  person  making  any  payment  for 
such  purpose  is  guilty  of  an  illegal  payment,  and 
any  person  being  a  party  to  such  contract  or  re- 
ceiving such  payment  is  also  held  to  be  guilty  of 
illegal  payment,  if  he  knew  the  same  to  be  con- 
trary to  law. 

No  person  is  permitted,  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
moting or  procuring  the  election  of  a  candidate,  to 
be  engaged  or  employed  for  payment  or  promise 
of  payment  for  any  purpose  or  in  any  capacity 
whatever,  except  for  the  purpose  or  capacity  men- 


108  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

tioned  in  the  schedules  of  the  act.  Any  person 
so  employed,  or  any  person  so  employing  another, 
is  guilty  of  illegal  employment. 

Every  bill,  placard,  or  poster  having  reference 
to  the  election  is  required  to  have  the  name  and 
address  of  the  printer  and  publisher  thereof  on  its 
face. 

No  premises  oil  which  the  sale  by  wholesale  or 
retail  of  intoxicating  liquors  is  authorized  by 
license,  or  where  intoxicating  liquor  is  sold  or  sup- 
plied to  members  of  a  club,  society,  or  association 
other  than  a  permanent  political  club,  or  wherein 
refreshments  of  any  kind,  whether  meat  or  drink, 
are  ordinarily  supplied  for  sale  on  the  premises, 
or  any  public  elementary  school  building,  is  per- 
mitted to  be  used  as  a  committee -room  for  the 
purpose  of  promoting  or  procuring  the  election 
of  a  candidate  at  an  election;  and  if  any  person 
hires  or  uses  any  such  premises  or  any  part  thereof 
for  a  committee-room,  he  is  guilty  of  illegal  hiring 
as  well  as  the  person  letting  such  premises,  if  he 
knew  the  purposes  for  which  they  were  intended 
to  be  used.  The  section,  however,  does  not  apply 
to  any  part  of  premises  ordinarily  used  for  cham- 
bers or  the  holding  of  public  meetings,  provided 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    109 

such  part  of  the  premises  has  a  separate  entrance, 
and  has  no  direct  communication  with  any  part  of 
the  premises  in  which  liquors  or  refreshments  are 
sold. 

On  or  before  the  day  of  nomination  a  person  is 
required  to  be  named  by  or  on  behalf  of  each  can- 
didate as  his  agent  for  such  election,  and  the  can- 
didate may  name  himself  as  his  own  election 
agent,  and  thereupon  become  subject  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  law,  both  as  candidate  and  as  elec- 
tion agent.  The  name  and  address  of  the  election 
agent  of  each  candidate  is  required,  on  or  before 
the  day  of  nomination,  to  be  notified  in  writing 
by  the  candidate,  or  some  one  in  his  behalf,  to  the 
returning  officer  (or  say  the  Bureau  of  Elections), 
who  is  required  to  give  public  notice  of  the  name 
and  address  of  every  agent  so  declared.  This 
could  here  be  published  in  the  City  Record  at  a 
minimum  of  expense.  No  candidate  is  permitted 
to  appoint  more  than  one  election  agent,  but  the 
candidate  may  revoke  the  appointment  of  his 
agent,  in  which  event  he  is  required  to  certify 
such  revocation  and  the  new  appointment  to  the 
returning  officer. 

An  election  agent  of  a  candidate  is  permitted  to 


110  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

appoint  a  number  of  deputies  or  sub-agents  to  act 
in  different  election  districts.  One  full  day  before 
the  election  the  election  agent  is  required  to  de- 
clare in  writing  the  name  and  address  of  every 
sub-agent  to  the  returning  officer  (or  inspector), 
who  shall  make  the  same  public.  The  election 
agents  of  a  candidate  are  required,  either  by  them- 
selves or  their  sub-agents,  to  appoint  all  polling 
agents  (or  what  correspond  to  our  workers  at  the 
polls),  clerks,  and  messengers  employed  for  pay- 
ment in  behalf  of  the  candidate  at  an  election,  and 
hired  through  or  on  behalf  of  a  candidate. 

Except  as  permitted  by  the  act,  no  payment  and 
no  advance  or  deposit  is  permitted  to  be  made  by 
the  candidate,  or  by  any  agent  on  behalf  of  the 
candidate,  or  any  other  person,  at  any  time,  wheth- 
er before,  during,  or  after  the  election,  in  respect 
to  any  expense  incurred  on  account  of  or  in  re- 
spect to  the  conduct  or  management  of  such  elec- 
tion, otherwise  than  by  or  through  the  election 
agent  of  the  candidate,  whether  acting  in  person 
or  by  sub-agents. 

Every  payment  in  excess  of  forty  shillings  is 
required  to  be  vouched  for  by  a  receipted  bill  stat- 
ing the  particulars.     All  expenses  at  an  election 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    Ill 

are  required  to  be  paid  within  the  time  limited 
by  the  act,  which  is  twenty- eight  days  after  the 
day  on  which  the  candidates  returned  are  declared 
elected. 

The  candidate  at  any  parliamentary  election  is 
permitted  to  pay  any  personal  expenses  incurred 
by  him  on  account  of  or  in  connection  with  or  in- 
cidental to  such  election  to  an  amount  not  exceed- 
ing one  hundred  pounds,  but  any  further  personal 
expenses  are  required  to  be  paid  by  his  election 
agent.  The  candidate  is  required  to  send  to  his 
election  agent  within  the  time  limited  by  the  act 
a  statement  of  the  amount  of  his  personal  expenses 
paid  by  himself. 

Any  person  may,  if  authorized  in  writing  by  the 
election  agent,  pay  necessary  expenses  for  station- 
ery, postage,  etc.,  to  a  total  amount  not  exceeding 
that  named  in  the  authority. 

Within  thirty-five  days  after  the  day  on  which 
the  candidates  returned  at  the  election  are  declared 
elected,  the  election  agent  of  every  candidate  is 
required  to  transmit  to  the  returning  officer  a  true 
return  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the  second  sched- 
ule of  the  act. 

(a)  A  statement  of  all  payments  made  by  the 


112  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

election  agent,  together  with  all  the  bills  and  re- 
ceipts. 

(b)  A  statement  of  the  amount  of  personal  ex- 
penses, if  any,  paid  by  the  candidate. 

(c)  A  statement  of  the  sums  paid  to  the  return- 
ing officer  for  his  charges.  (We  here  would  have 
no  such  item.) 

(d)  A  statement  of  all  disputed  claims  of  which 
the  election  agent  is  aware. 

(e)  A  statement  of  all  the  unpaid  claims,  if  any, 
of  which  the  election  agent  is  aware. 

{/)  A  statement  of  all  moneys,  securities,  and 
equivalent  of  money  received  by  the  election  agent 
from  the  candidate  or  any  other  person  for  the 
purpose  of  expenses  incurred,  or  to  be  incurred, 
or  in  respect  of  the  conduct  or  management  of  the 
election,  with  a  statement  of  the  name  of  every 
person  from  whom  the  same  have  been  received. 

This  return  is  required  to  be  accompanied  by  a 
declaration  made  under  oath  by  the  election  agent 
before  a  justice  of  the  peace.  Where  the  can- 
didate has  named  himself  as  his  own  election  agent, 
he  is  required  to  make  a  like  return.  At  the  time 
the  agent  transmits  the  return,  or  within  seven  days 
afterwards,  the  candidate  is  required  to  transmit 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    113 

to  the  returning  officer  a  sworn  declaration  setting 
out  the  fact  of  his  nomination,  and  declaring  that 
he  has  taken  no  part  whatever  in  the  election,  and 
further  solemnly  and  sincerely  declaring  that  he 
has  not,  and  no  person,  club,  society,  or  association 
at  his  expense  has,  made  any  payment  or  given  or 
promised  or  offered  any  reward,  office,  employ- 
ment, or  valuable  consideration,  or  incurred  any 
liability  on  account  of  or  in  respect  to  the  conduct 
or  management  of  the  election,  and  further  that 
he  has  not  paid  any  money  or  given  any  security 
or  equivalent  for  money  to  the  person  acting  as 
his  agent,  or  to  any  person,  club,  society,  or  asso- 
ciation, on  account  of  the  conduct  or  management 
of  the  election,  and  that  he  is  entirely  ignorant  of 
any  money,  security,  or  equivalent  for  money  hav- 
ing been  paid,  advanced,  given,  or  deposited  by 
any  one  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  any  expenses 
incurred  on  account  of  his  election  ;  and  he  fur- 
ther solemnly  and  sincerely  declares  that  he  will 
not  at  any  future  time,  except  so  far  as  permitted 
by  law,  make  or  be  a  party  to  the  making  or  giv- 
ing of  any  payment,  reward,  office,  employment, 
or  valuable  consideration  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
fraying any  expenses  at  the  election,  or  to  provide 
8 


1U  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

or  be  a  party  to  the  providing  of  any  money,  se- 
curity, or  equivalent  for  money  for  the  purpose  of 
defraying  such  expenses. 

A  declaration  of  the  same  general  character  is 
required  to  be  made  by  the  election  agent,  declar- 
ing that  no  moneys  have  been  spent  other  than 
those  contained  in  his  return  of  election  expenses. 

The  returning  officer  at  every  election,  within 
ten  days  after  he  receives  from  the  election  agent 
the  return  of  expenses,  is  required  to  publish  a 
summary  of  the  returns  of  expenses  in  not  less 
than  two  newspapers  circulating  in  the  county  or 
borough  for  which  the  election  wras  held,  accom- 
panied by  a  notice  of  the  time  and  place  at  which 
the  returns  and  declarations  can  be  inspected,  and 
they  charge  the  candidate  with  the  expense  of  such 
publication. 

The  returning  officer  (here  it  would  have  to  be 
the  Bureau  of  Elections)  keeps  the  return  of  the 
expenses  and  declarations  at  his  office,  or  at  some 
convenient  place  which  he  designates,  for  two 
years  following  the  election. 

All  persons  guilty  of  corrupt  or  illegal  practice 
are  disqualified  from  voting. 

General  provision  is  made  for  the  hearing  of 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    115 

persons  before  they  are  found  guilty  of  corrupt 
or  illegal  practice.  All  registration  officers  are 
required  to  keep  a  list  of  all  persons  incapaci- 
tated from  voting  because  of  having  been  found 
guilty  of  corrupt  or  illegal  practice  under  the 
statute. 

The  act  provides  for  regular  proceedings  and 
the  trial  in  the  Central  Criminal  Court  on  indict* 
inents  for  corrupt  practice  at  the  instance  of  the 
Attorney-general ;  contains  special  provisions  re- 
quiring witnesses  to  answer  truly  all  questions 
which  they  are  required  to  answer  by  the  Elec- 
tion Court,  and  no  witness  is  excused  from  an* 
swering  any  question  relating  to  any  offence  at  or 
connected  with  an  election  on  the  ground  that  the 
answer  would  tend  to  incriminate  them,  but  no 
such  answer  can  in  any  proceeding,  civil  or  crim- 
inal, be  admitted  in  evidence  against  the  witness, 
except  in  case  of  a  criminal  proceeding  for  per- 
jury in  respect  to  such  evidence. 

The  candidate  is  declared  to  be  any  person  who 
is  nominated  as  a  candidate  at  such  election,  or  is 
declared  by  himself  or  by  others  to  be  a  candidate 
after  the  issue  of  the  writ  for  the  election  ;  but  if 
he  is  nominated   by  others  without  his  consent, 


116  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

nothing  in  the  act  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
impose  upon  him  any  liability  as  a  candidate  un- 
less he  afterwards  gives  his  assent  to  the  nomina- 
tion. 

Part  I.  of  the  first  schedule  refers  to  the  per- 
sons who  may  be  legally  employed  for  payment : 

1.  One  election  agent,  and  no  more. 

2.  One  deputy  election  agent  for  each  polling 
district,  and  no  more. 

3.  One  polling  agent  for  each  polling  station, 
and  no  more.  In  a  borough  (which  corresponds 
to  one  of  our  cities)  one  clerk  and  one  messenger 
for  every  500  electors  in  the  borough. 

In  applying  the  principles  of  the  act  to  this  city 
these  figures,  of  course,  would  have  to  be  much 
modified. 

The  act  further  prescribes  that  any  paid  election 
agent,  sub-agent,  polling  agent,  clerk,  or  messen- 
ger may  or  may  not  be  an  elector,  but  he  may  not 
vote. 

Part  II.  refers  to  election  expenses  in  addition 
to  the  expenses  in  Part  I.,  and  limits  them  to — 

1.  Certain  sums  paid  to  the  returning  officer  in 
conformity  with  the  law. 

2.  Personal  expenses  of  the  candidate. 


THE   REMEDY  AS   APPLIED   IN   ENGLAND.    117 

3.  Expenses  of  printing,  advertising,  publishing, 
issuing,  and  distributing  addresses  and  notices. 

4.  Expenses  of  stationery,  messengers,  postage, 
and  telegrams. 

5.  Expense  of  holding  public  meetings. 

6.  In  a  borough  the  expense  of  committee-room, 
not  to  exceed  one  committee -room  for  each  500 
electors. 

7.  In  the  county  the  expenses  of  a  central  com- 
mittee-room. 

Part  III.  provides  that  the  expenses  for  mis- 
cellaneous matters  other  than  those  mentioned  in 
Parts  I.  and  II.  shall  not,  on  the  whole,  amount 
to  a  maximum  of  more  than  £200. 

Part  IV.  provides  a  maximum  scale  of  permis- 
sible expenditures.  In  a  borough  the  expenses 
mentioned  in  Parts  I.,  II.,  and  III.  of  the  sched- 
ule other  than  personal  expenses  and  sums  paid 
to  the  returning  officer  for  charges  under  the 
law,  shall  not  exceed  on  the  whole  a  maximum 
amount,  as  follows : 

If  the  number  of  electors  on  the  registry  does 
not  exceed  2000,  the  maximum  amount  shall  be 
£350. 

If  it  does  exceed  2000,  £380,  and  an  additional 


118  MACHINE  POLITICS 

£30  for  every  complete  1000  electors  in  addition 
to  the  2000. 

If  it  is  found  that  a  corrupt  practice  has  been 
committed  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the 
candidate,  he  is  forever  disqualified  from  holding 
office,  and  is  deprived  of  his  franchise  as  an  elec- 
tor. If  such  corrupt  practice  is  found  to  have  oc- 
curred by  the  act  of  the  agent  with  or  without  the 
candidate's  knowledge  and  consent,  the  candidate 
himself  is  disqualified  from  serving  during  the 
time  for  which  he  was  elected,  and  can  neither 
hold  office  nor  act  as  an  elector  for  seven  years. 
Similar  penalties  are  imposed  on  agents  and  sub- 
agents  found  guilty.  These  penalties  are  all  in 
addition  to  penalties  of  fines  and  imprisonment 
after  conviction  on  an  indictment  of  bribery,  un- 
due influence,  treating,  illegal  payments,  or  other 
corrupt  practices. 

This  system  has  finally  so  eliminated  the  op- 
portunities and  the  possibilities  of  fraud  and  cor- 
ruption in  the  use  of  money  as  practically  to  have 
put  an  end  to  them,  if  it  be  considered  what  the}7 
have  been  any  time  the  last  hundred  years.* 

*  See  Appendix  IV. 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.    119 

The  application  of  some  such  a  system  to  our  own 
elections  in  combination  with  a  system  providing 
for  the  printing  and  distribution  of  tickets  at  the 
public  expense  (and  our  present  election  laws  could 
be  readilv  amended  in  such  a  manner  as  to  avail 
of  all  of  the  best  suggestions  of  the  English  sys- 
tem without  complicating  the  elections,  and  with- 
out running  counter  to  any  honest  public  senti- 
ment) would  remove  every  one  of  the  foundation 
stones  that  lie  at  the  base  of  our  present  organized 
political  machinery.  It  might  be  impracticable  to 
adopt  these  laws  as  applicable  to  municipal  elec- 
tions alone,  without  changing  the  time  of  the 
election,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  municipal  elec- 
tions now  take  place  simultaneously  with  state  or 
national  elections.  Either  the  law  would  have  to 
be  adopted  for  all  elections  whatever  throughout 
the  State,  or  else  the  municipal  elections  would 
have  to  take  place  at  some  time  other  than  that 
provided  for  state  and  national  elections.  The 
opinion  has  long  prevailed  among  the  most  thought- 
ful men  in  our  great  cities  that  the  charter  elec- 
tion should  take  place  in  the  spring.  The  answer 
to  this,  so  far  as  any  answer  has  been  possible,  has 
invariably  been  that  the  charter  election,  as  a  rule, 


120  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

does  not  elicit  sufficient  public  interest  to  call  out 
the  entire  vote  of  the  city ;  that  such  being  the 
case  the  only  vote  which  would  come  out  would 
be  the  organized  Machine  vote,  and  that  in  that 
event  we  should  be  even  worse  off  than  we  now 
are.  It  is  contended  that  the  advantage  of  having 
the  general  and  charter  elections  take  place  simul- 
taneously is  that  the  largest  possible  number  of 
voters  come  to  the  polls,  and  being  there,  vote  on 
municipal  as  well  as  general  issues.  This  objec- 
tion to  spring  elections  has  been  sought  to  be  an- 
swered by  saying  that  some  provision  for  minority 
representation  would  entirely  overcome  it.  At 
the  last  session  of  the  Legislature  a  bill  for  spring 
elections  in  the  city  of  New  York  was  passed,  and 
provision  was  made  for  minority  representation. 
Although  the  Governor  believed  in  the  principle 
of  a  spring  election,  he,  nevertheless,  found  himself 
compelled  to  veto  the  bill  because  of  the  provisions 
providing  for  minority  representation,  and  this  was 
justified  in  view  of  the  fact  that  minority  repre- 
sentation is  a  mere  delusion  and  snare  so  long  as 
parties  are  organized  and  permitted  to  exist  as  at 
present.  If  the  objection  to  spring  elections  be 
that  the  great  body  of  voters  would  not  vote,  and 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED   IN  ENGLAND.    121 

that  the  Machines  would  be  more  powerful  under 
such  circumstances  than  they  even  now  are,  pro- 
visions for  minority  representation  under  our  pres- 
ent election  laws  would  only  intensify  the  evil ; 
because,  even  if  the  entire  voting  population  came 
out,  the  party  Machines  could  foreclose  the  pos- 
sibility of  defeat  by  combination,  and  thus  be 
practically  irresponsible  as  to  the  candidates  whom 
they  should  nominate. 

All  of  these  difficulties  would,  however,  be  over- 
come if  in  the  municipal  election  the  Machine  were 
paralyzed  through  the  deprivation  by  law  of  its 
present  monopoly  of  printing  and  distributing  the 
tickets,  and  if  an  act  similar  to  the  English  Act 
for  the  prevention  of  corrupt  practices  were  to  be 
enacted,  thus  disfranchising  all  persons  who  took 
money  in  working  as  canvassers  for,  or  agents  of, 
the  candidates,  limiting  the  permissible  expendi- 
tures of  candidates,  and  requiring  their  sworn  state- 
ments of  the  amounts  actually  disbursed.  The  re- 
sult would  be  that  the  municipal  elections,  being 
entirely  disassociated  from  all  general  issues,  could 
take  place  in  perfect  freedom  from  such  issues, 
and  party  Machines,  which  are  generally  built  up 
around  questions  of  national  politics,  and  state  or 


122  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

national  issues,  would  as  such  count  for  little  or 
nothing  at  the  charter  election.  Thus,  in  charter 
elections  at  least,  the  vote  could  be  had  of  men 
standing  in  perfect  equality  before  the  ballot-box 
as  regards  every  detail  of  the  machinery  of  elec- 
tion from  beginning  to  end.  All  general  issues 
being  eliminated  by  the  possibility  of  nominations 
independent  of  all  partisan  considerations,  and  it 
being  possible  to  get  the  name  of  every  candidate 
before  every  voter  at  the  public  expense,  the  army 
of  paid  workers  would  disappear  as  soon  as  their 
trade  was  made  criminal,  and  they  were  deprived 
of  their  own  votes.  The  Machines,  and  all  that 
appertains  to  them,  exist  only  because  the  law  has 
not  gone  far  enough.  When  it  has  gone  further, 
and  assumed  the  performance  of  all  the  essential 
functions  of  conducting  an  election,  there  will  no 
longer  be  either  reason,  opportunity,  or  room  for 
the  Machine,  and  no  occasion  for  assessing  candi- 
dates or  office-holders,  for  there  will  be  no  outlet 
for  the  money. 

Where  only  two  or  three,  and  they  partisan,  can- 
didates are  in  the  field,  it  is  only  natural  that  the 
voter,  since  he  has  to  determine  the  choice  of  evils, 
should  vote  for  the  candidate  of  the  party  with 


THE  REMEDY  AS  APPLIED  IN  ENGLAND.  123 

which  he  usually  acts.  Were  the  law  first  to  pro- 
vide the  means  for  placing  candidates  in  nomina- 
tion, who  shall  occupy  a  position  exactly  as  good 
as  that  occupied  by  the  party  candidates,  and  then 
separate  the  charter  from  the  general  election,  the 
means  will  be  found  once  and  for  all  on  the  part 
of  all  public-spirited  citizens  for  escaping  the  choice 
of  evils,  and  for  acting  in  municipal  matters  from 
a  municipal  point  of  view  only,  entirely  indepen- 
dent of  all  state  or  national  considerations.  In 
order  to  make  such  a  remedy  as  has  been  suggest- 
ed of  real  service,  it  would,  under  present  consti- 
tutional conditions,  be  well  to  apply  it  only  to  elec- 
tions to  city  offices,  and  to  make  the  elective  officers 
as  few  as  possible.  Those  officers  now  are  the 
Mayor,  the  Comptroller,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Aldermen,  Recorder,  Judges  of  the  City  Court, 
City  Judges,  the  Aldermen,  and  the  Civil  Justices. 
The  experience  of  such  a  law  as  reforming  our 
municipal  elections  and  our  municipal  govern- 
ment, might  lead  ultimately  to  its  adoption  for  all 
state  and  county  officers  whatever,  and  work  the 
reform  which  is  needed  throughout  the  entire 
State,  though  not  so  urgently  needed  as  in  our 
great  cities.     It  may  be  said  that  these  reforms 


124  MACHINE  POLITICS. 

are  impossible.  If  so,  I  would  reply  in  the  words 
of  Mr.  John  Morley :  "  Nearly  all  lovers  of  im- 
provement are  apt,  in  the  heat  of  a  generous  en- 
thusiasm, to  forget  that  if  all  the  world  were  ready 
to  embrace  their  cause,  their  improvement  could 
hardly  be  needed.  It  is  one  of  the  hardest  condi- 
tions of  things  that  the  more  numerous  and  reso- 
lute the  enemies  of  reform,  then  the  more  unmis- 
takably urgent  the  necessity  for  it." 


APPENDIX  I. 


TABLE  OF  LICENSED  SALOONS  IN  ASSEMBLY  DISTRICTS. 


ASSEMBLY  DISTRICTS. 

0Q 
SB 

« 
O 

4 

3 

3 

i 

9 
21 

OQ 

sa 

a 

O 

10 

5 
8 

i 
l 

6 
3 
1 
1 
17 

1 
1 

6 
4 
1 
7 
2 
6 
1 

i 

83 

OQ 
OQ 

5 

03 
QQ 

03 

O 

88 
12 
20 

2 

7 

2 
32 

7 
10 

3 
38 

9 
19 
13 

5 
15 
34 
24 
64 
15 
29 
28 
26 

9 

511 

id 

OQ 
SB 

eS 
O 

47 
27 
28 
27 
18 
53 
16 
98 
11 
48 
14 
63 
15 
36 
23 
24 
14 
25 
28 
18 
8 
20 
44 
106 

811 

Gfi 

a 

< 

H 

O 

Second  Assembly  District 

Fourth  Assembly  District 

Fifth  Assembly  District 

Sixth  Assembly  District 

Seventh  Assembly  District 

Eighth  Assembly  District 

Ninth  Assembly  District 

Tenth  Assembly  District 

Eleventh  Assembly  District 

Twelfth  Assembly  District 

Thirteenth  Assembly  District . .  . 
Fourteenth  Assembly  District. .  . 
Fifteenth  Assembly  District. . . . 
Sixteenth  Assembly  District. . . . 
Seventeenth  Assembly  District. . 
Eighteenth  Assembly  District. . . 
Nineteenth  Assembly  District. .  . 
Twentieth  Assembly  District. . . . 
Twenty-first  Assembly  District. . 
Twenty-second  Assembly  District 
Twenty-third  Assembly  District . 
Twenty-fourth  Assembly  District 

Total 

923 
467 
309 
174 
289 
232 
331 
374 
259 
315 
239 
318 
200 
164 
439 
302 
196 
277 
381 
252 
101 
414 
516 
301 

1072 
511 
368 
203 
315 
288 
388 
482 
281 
368 
317 
390 
235 
214 
467 
347 
248 
327 
480 
287 
145 
463 
586 
417 

7773 

9199 

I  Total  number  of  licenses  issued 9574 

"        "        "        existing 9199 

"  "        ««        "        closed 406 

9605 
9574 

Discrepancy 31 


APPENDIX  II. 


The  following  tables  show — 

A.  The  elective  offices  in  New  York  City. 

B.  The  number  of  election  officers  for  every  state  or 
municipal  election  in  New  York  City. 

C.  The  number  of  Assembly  Districts  and  election  dis- 
tricts, and  the  total  of  registered  voters  in  each  As- 
sembly District,  and  the  average  of  registered  voters 
in  each  election  district  in  New  York  City,  for  the 
year  1886. 


A. 


ELECTIVE   OFFICERS. 


Mayor. 

Comptroller. 

President  of  the  Board  of  Al- 
dermen. 

Twenty-four  Aldermen. 

Sheriff. 

County  Clerk. 

Register. 

Four  Coroners. 

District  Attorney. 

Twenty -four  Members  of  As- 
sembly. 

Seven  Senators 


Seven  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court. 

Six  Justices  of  the  Superior 
Court. 

Six  Justices  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas. 

Six  Justices  of  the  City  Court. 

Eleven  District  Court  Civil  Jus- 
tices. 

Recorder. 

Judge  of  General  Sessions. 

City  Judge. 

Surrogate. 


APPENDIX  II. 


127 


B. 


ELECTION   OFFICERS. 


YlCAK. 

Number 
Election 
Districts. 

Poll- 
clerks 
in  each 

Dist. 

Total 
Poll- 
clerks. 

Inspectors 
of  Election 
each  Dist. 

Total 

Inspectors 

Election. 

Total 
Inspectors 

and 
Poll-clerks. 

1884 
1885 
1886 

712 
712 
812 

2 
2 
2 

1424 
1424 
1624 

4 
4 
4 

2848 
2848 
3248 

4272 
4272 

4872 

Duties  of  Inspectors  of  Elections. 

There  are  four  Inspectors  of  Election  in  each  election 
district.  They  must  meet  and  be  in  constant  attend- 
ance at  the  designated  place  of  registration  and  polling 
on  the  four  appointed  days  of  registration  and  on  elec- 
tion-day. One  of  the  four  must  be  designated  as  chair- 
man. Their  duties  are  clearly  set  forth  in  a  "  Manual " 
issued  by  the  Bureau  of  Elections,  and  are  briefly  as 
follows :  They  must  register  the  names,  etc.,  of  all  duly 
qualified  voters  who  may  apply  for  registration.  The 
chairman  must,  at  the  close  of  each  day's  registration, 
deliver  to  the  police-captain  of  the  precinct  in  which 
the  election  district  is  located  a  list  of  the  names,  etc., 
of  every  person  who  registered  on  that  day.  2d.  They 
must  keep  six  books,  exact  copies,  of  the  names,  etc.,  of 
the  persons  who  register.  3d.  They  must  receive  and 
deposit  the  ballots  of  such  registered  voters  on  election- 


128  APPENDIX  II. 

day,  and  allow  no  person  to  vote  whose  name  is  not  on 
their  registers.  4th.  They  must  count  and  declare  the 
vote  in  their  election  district,  and  return  duly  attested 
statements  of  the  vote  cast  to  the  Clerk  of  the  Board  of 
Aldermen,  the  County  Clerk,  and  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau 
of  Elections. 

Duties  of  Poll-clerks. 

There  are  two  poll -clerks  in  each  election  district. 
Their  duties  are  also  set  forth  in  the  "  Manual "  referred 
to,  but  are  chiefly  as  follows:  1st.  They  must  attend  at 
the  polling-place  at  the  opening  of  the  polls  on  election- 
day,  and  remain  in  constant  attendance.  2d.  They  must 
each  keep  a  poll  list,  and  record  therein  the  name  of 
every  person  who  votes.  They  must  also  keep  two  tally 
lists  of  the  officers  for  which  each  person  votes.  3d. 
They  must  sign  both  poll  lists  and  tallies,  after  compar- 
ison, and  return,  within  twenty-four  hours  after  the  close 
of  the  polls,  one  poll  list  and  one  tally  to  the  Chief  of 
the  Bureau  of  Elections,  one  poll  list  to  the  County 
Clerk,  and  one  tally  to  the  Mayor. 


APPENDIX  II. 


129 


C. 


1886. 


Assembly 
Districts. 

No.  Election 
Districts. 

Total  registered 
voters. 

Av.  No.  reg. 

voters  each 

Election  Dis. 

First 

25 
28 
28 
29 
29 
29 
35 
31 
32 
31 
25 
27 
34 
22 
36 
28 
42 
32 
43 
34 
29 
58 
66 
39 

6,283 

7,368 

7,500 

9,157 

7,058 

8,671 

8,838 

8,961 

9,863 

9,816 

6,342 

8,201 

9,281 

6,825 

11,261 

8,355 

12,821 

9,254 

13,842 

9,714 

8,849 

17,359 

19,556 

10,586 

25lA 

263A 

267|| 

315ft 

243*$ 

299 

252if 

289¥2T 
308^ 

nm 

253« 

303ff 
272ff 
310^ 
312ft 
298ji 

289^ 
321|f 
285f| 

80J5A 

299J| 

296ft 
271JJ 

Second 

Third 

Fourth 

Fifth 

Sixth 

Eighth 

Ninth 

Tenth 

Eleventh 

Twelfth 

Thirteenth 

Fourteenth 

Fifteenth 

Eighteenth 

Nineteenth 

Twenty-second  . . 
Twenty-third. . . . 
Twenty-fourth. .  . 

812 

23,5761 

290fH 

Average  registered  per  Assembly  District 9823^ 

Average  No.  Election  Districts  per  Assembly  District. 

9 


QQ2  0 
66Yi 


APPENDIX  III. 


I  believe  the  general  statement  which  I  have  made  in 
the  text  to  be  entirely  correct  as  to  the  decade  imme- 
diately preceding  the  fall  of  the  Tweed  Ring,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  I  find  the  following  editorial 
article  in  the  New  York  Herald  for  November  1,  1858, 
which  will  be  found  very  interesting  in  this  connection : 

"The  outlay  which  these  candidates  for  public  office 
have  to  make  in  the  course  of  a  campaign  would  form 
a  very  curious  study,  and  its  results  would  be  quite 
suggestive.  First,  the  nomination  has  to  be  paid  for, 
and  paid  for  liberally.  The  price,  of  course,  depends 
upon  the  salary  of  the  office,  or  the  estimate  of  what  it 
may  be  made  to  yield.  It  is  known  that  $10,000  has 
been  paid  for  a  nomination  to  the  Mayoralty,  and  a  like 
sum  for  that  to  the  Street  Commissionership.  Some 
people  might  possibly  fail  to  see  the  great  advantage  to 
be  derived  from  paying  $10,000  for  an  office  the  salary 
of  which  for  the  whole  term  did  not  exceed  $9000 ; 
but  office-holders  and  office-seekers  have  a  knack  of 
reconciling  this  little  anomaly  in  a  mode  profitable  to 
themselves,  but    not   so    profitable   to  the  community. 


APPENDIX   III.  131 


The  nomination  being  secured,  it  then  becomes  necessary 
to  pay  for  the  banners,  for  the  music,  for  the  torch-light 
processions,  for  the  speakers,  and  the  platforms  on  which 
they  stand  —  for  the  artillery  discharges,  for  the  sky- 
rockets and  Roman  candles,  for  the  notices  in  the  Sun-^-- 
day  newspapers,  and  for  the  enthusiasm  generally.  It 
costs  about  $2000  to  be  elected  to  the  office  of  Coroner, 
a  like  sum  to  be  a  member  of  the  Common  Council, 
$5000  to  get  to  Congress,  $15,000  to  be  elected  Street 
Commissioner  or  Sheriff,  $20,000  to  be  elected  Mayor, 
and  so  on  in  proportion  to  the  estimated  value  of  the 
post,  or  of  what  may  be  made  out  of  it.  Independently 
of  the  candidates  for  State  offices  and  for  Congress,  we 
have  in  New  York  sixty-four  candidates  for  county  of- 
fices, whose  aggregate  outlay  in  the  effort  to  get  elected 
cannot  fall  far  short  of  a  quarter  million  of  dollars. 
With  the  expenditure  for  the  State  and  Congressional 
tickets,  including  the  prices  paid  for  nomination,  the 
whole  sum  spent  in  this  city  on  the  election  may  be 
fairly  set  down  at  half  a  million  of  dollars.  How  public- 
spirited,  generous,  and  munificent  must  be  our  politicians, 
or  else  how  corrupt  must  be  the  conduct  of  our  office- 
holders !  The  records  of  the  Grand  Jury  room  and  of 
the  criminal  courts  indicate  pretty  conclusively  how  the 
matter  stands." 


APPENDIX  IV. 


HOW   THE   ENGLISH   LAW  HAS  WORKED. 

For  many  years  the  English  law,  like  our  own,  has 
been  such  that  a  fraud  in  polling  or  canvassing  the  vote 
was  a  practicable  impossibility.  Nevertheless,  the  elec- 
tions continually  miscarried  because  of  the  prevalence 
of  corrupt  practices  and  the  enormous  expenditure  of 
money  at  the  elections.  It  was  to  cure  these  evils  that 
the  Prevention  of  Corrupt  Practices  Act  of  1883  and  1884 
was  passed.  Now  the  value  of  legislation,  like  the  value 
of  a  business  project,  can  oniy  be  measured  by  actual 
results,  and  the  best  way  to  foretell  what  the  result  of 
the  application  to  this  country  of  the  general  principles 
of  the  English  system  will  be,  is  to  study  what  the  effects 
of  that  system  have  been  in  England  itself.  The  history 
of  the  elections  of  1880  and  1886  shows  a  most  marked 
contrast  between  the  elections  of  the  two  years,  and 
amounts  to  a  demonstration  of  the  efficiency  of  the  law. 

In  1880  an  unusually  large  number  of  members  of 
Parliament  were  unseated  for  corrupt  practices  at  the 
elections.  An  investigation  was  made  by  a  Royal  Com- 
mission of  twenty-four  members.     Among  the  seats  con- 


APPENDIX  IV.  .  133 

tested  was  that  of  Alex.  W.  Hall,  Conservative  for  Oxford. 
The  Mayor  of  Oxford  testified  before  the  Commission 
that  the  majority  of  the  electors  always  expected  to  be 
employed  on  election-day  as  clerks  and  messengers ;  and 
Mr.  Hall's  election  agent  swore  that  almost  all  of  his  pa- 
pers were  destroyed  "  because  they  would  have  disclosed 
quasi-corrupt  transactions."  At  Canterbury  the  agent  of 
the  Liberal  candidate  who  was  defeated  swore  that  his 
principal  had  deliberately  given  him  money  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  buying  up  poor  voters.  Mr.  Butler- 
Johnstone,  the  former  Liberal  member,  swore  that  he  was 
once  elected  by  corrupt  practices,  and  that  at  least  400 
out  of  the  2*700  voters  in  the  constituency  were  corrupt. 

At  Macclesfield  the  agent  of  the  Conservative  candi- 
date testified  that  he  had  bought  up  sixty  Liberals  at  £5 
per  head  and  their  beer;  that  to  try  to  conduct  an  elec- 
tion without  money  was  a  farce ;  and  that  although  he 
had  only  returned  his  expenses  at  £610,  they  had  actually 
been  £2590.  There  were  5700  votes  polled,  and  this 
same  witness  swore  that  on  one  side  or  the  other  at  least 
4000  had  been  bribed.  His  candidate  polled  2678,  of 
which  he,  the  agent,  had  bought  and  paid  for  1863,  at  an 
average  of  six  shillings  and  eightpence  each,  and  had  paid 
550  others  as  clerks,  messengers,  and  committeemen. 

At  Boston  it  appeared  that  twenty  per  cent,  of  the 
voters  were  employed   as  clerks,  messengers,  canvassers, 


134  APPENDIX  IV. 

committeemen,  or  what  not.  Bat  it  was  at  Sandwich 
that  the  most  interesting  showing  was  made.  The 
special  correspondent  of  the  New  York  World  summa- 
rized the  evidence  at  the  time,  and  I  cannot  do  better 
than  quote  his  carefully  prepared  article  from  the  issue 
of  November  28,  1880: 

"  Sandwich,  in  the  fair  county  of  Kent,  consists  of  the 
parishes  of  Deal,  Walmer,  St.  Mary,  St.  Peter,  St.  Clem- 
ent, and  St.  Bartholomew.  Sandwich,  with  a  population 
of  14,916  and  a  registration  of  2115  electors,  freemen, 
inhabitants  rated  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  lodgers  to 
the  value  of  £10.  It  returns  two  members  to  Parlia- 
ment. In  1832  both  were  Liberals;  in  1835  the  dele- 
gation was  divided;  in  1837  the  Liberals  regained  the 
second  seat,  which  they  lost  at  a  by-election  in  1841; 
in  1847  two  Liberals  were  elected;  in  1852  the  delega- 
tion was  amicably  divided;  in  1857,  in  1859,  and  in 
1865  the  Liberals  elected  both  members;  and  though 
in  1866,  at  a  by-election,  the  Conservative  candidate 
just  secured  the  vacant  seat,  at  the  general  elections  of 
1868,  1874,  and  1880  the  Liberal  members,  Messrs.  E.  H. 
Knatchbull-Hugessen  and  H.  A.  Brassey,  were  returned. 
In  1874  the  Liberals  polled  1035  votes,  and  the  Con- 
servatives 764  ;  and  the  Liberal  majority  was  so  large  that 
in  April  last  the  Conservatives  ran  no  candidates.  In 
May,  however,  Mr.  Knatchbull-Hugessen  was  elevated  to 


APPENDIX  IV.  135 

the  peerage  as  Lord  Brabourne,  and  for  the  vacant  seat 
against  Sir  Julian  Goldsmid,  Liberal,  the  Conservatives 
put  up  Mr.  C.  H.  Crompton-Roberts,  a  wealthy  contractor, 
who  carried  the  borough  by  1145  to  705.  The  result 
was  so  manifestly  obtained  by  irregular  means  that  a  pe- 
tition was  made,  on  which  the  Conservative  member  was 
unseated  on  the  ground  of  bribery  by  his  agents ;  Sir 
Julian's  agents  being  similarly  to  blame,  each  side  was 
ordered  to  pay  its  own  costs,  and  the  House  was  recom- 
mended to  suspend  the  issue  of  a  new  writ  until  the  ex- 
traordinary prevalence  of  corruption  had  been  investi- 
gated. 

"A  Royal  commission,  composed  of  Mr.  William  Hay- 
worth  Holl,  Q.  C,  and  Messrs.  Richard  Edward  Turner 
and  Francis  Henry  Jeune,  barristers,  has  been  taking  evi- 
dence in  the  doomed  borough  for  several  weeks  past. 
Both  candidates,  their  agents,  and  several  hundred  voters 
have  been  examined,  and  the  story  of  an  English  Eatans- 
will  is  worth  giving.  I  may  prelude  it  by  stating  that 
the  expenses  at  the  uncontested  election  in  April  were 
£583,  while  in  May  those  incurred  by  Mr.  Crompton- 
Roberts  were  returned  at  £3153  5s.  3d.,  and  those  of 
Sir  Julian  Goldsmid  at  £888  13s.  Id.,  or  something  over 
$11  of  your  currency  for  each  vote  polled.  But  these 
figures,  circumstantial  as  they,  are,  do  not  represent  the 
total  expenditure;  the  third  witness,  Sir  Julian's  agent, 


136  APPENDIX  IV. 

told  how  a  single  sum  of  £1500  had  been  brought  down 
by  the  Liberals,  gave  it  as  his  candid  opinion  that  unless 
a  man  were  prepared  to  spend  £2000  it  was  idle  for  him 
to  contest  the  borough,  and  declared  that  he  had  told 
Sir  Julian  at  their  first  interview  that  £3000  would  be 
needed  to  secure  his  election.  Before  the  ballot  all  free- 
men used  to  receive  £1  each  when  they  went  to  the  poll. 
Mr.  Crompton-Roberts's  solicitor  admitted  that  corrupt 
practices  prevailed  extensively  at  the  election.  Then  the 
Commissioners  began  to  unearth  these  corrupt  practices 
in  detail.  One  Liberal  agent  spent  £40  in  treating  and 
£51  in  buying  voters  at  from  15  shillings  to  £4  a  head. 
A  Conservative  agent  spent  £390  in  hiring  public-houses 
as  committee-rooms  at  £5  each  ;  in  all,  the  Conservatives 
had  ninety-one  'headquarters' — one  for  every  12  voters. 
One  spent  £96  in  bribery  ;  another,  £48  ;  a  third,  £80  ; 
a  fourth,  £52,  and  so  on  down  a  long  list.  One  enter- 
prising publican  let  his  house  to  the  Conservatives  and 
bribed  for  the  Liberals.  Another,  who  had  been  given 
£30,  kept  £22  195.  for  himself,  securing  one  other  vote 
besides  his  own:  he  charged  £10  for  canvassing  that 
voter.  The  members  of  the  '  Bold  Forty-two '  got  £3 
13s.  each  from  the  Liberals  and  £3  each  from  the  Con- 
servatives, and  one  particularly  bold  Forty-twoer  got  £35 
135.  in  all  by  selling  himself  impartially  to  all  canvassers. 
This,  indeed,  was  the  common  practice ;  over  fifty  voters 


APPENDIX  IV.  137 

came  up  in  succession  to  swear  that  they  had  been  bribed 
on  both  sides ;  one  had  been  bought  thrice.  Several  said 
regretfully  that  they  should  like  to  have  another  such  job. 
The  lowest  price  paid  for  voters  was  £3,  with  a  further  sum 
of  £2  promised  after  the  election ;  not  a  few  witnesses 
said  they  hadn't  yet  received  the  £2,  but  still  hoped  to  get 
it.  One,  a  builder,  declared  that  he  had  bribed  at  that 
election,  and  at  every  previous  election,  and  ■  would  spend 
money  again  if  he  had  a  chance.'  Refreshments  were  pro- 
fusely distributed  to  the  free  and  independent.  One  man 
spent  £20,  and  *  treated  every  one  he  saw  ;'  another  spent 
£11,  and  so  on.  One  landlord  brought  in  a  bill  for  *  3  cwt. 
of  rope  and  refreshments.'  Altogether,  the  Conservatives 
spent  between  £2000  and  £3000  on  public-houses,  and 
the  Liberals  £750 — so  small  a  sum,  indeed,  that  the  free 
and  independent  voters  went  to  Sir  Julian  Goldsmid  in  per- 
son to  ask  where  any  of  his  beer  was  to  be  had.  But  the 
great  device  of  this  memorable  election  was — flags  !  The 
town  was  described  by  one  witness  as  '  a  forest  of  poles ;' 
another  said  that  people  came  many  miles  to  see  the  dis- 
play of  bunting.  There  was  one  glorious  pole  from 
which  twenty  flags  floated,  with,  at  the  mast-head,  a  huge 
pennant  inscribed  l  Our  Illustrious  Leaders,'  and  bearing 
the  names  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  First,  the 
flag  and  the  pole  are  bought  of  voters  at  fancy  prices; 
then  a  site  on  which  to  erect  the  pole  is  rented  from  a 


138  APPENDIX  IV. 

voter ;  then  any  number  of  voters  are  hired  to  put  it  up  ; 
and  finally  a  number  of  watchers  are  engaged  to  protect 
it.  One  pole  cost  £25  ;  it  took  thirty  men  three  days  to 
erect  it,  and  two  reliefs  of  watchers,  each  of  six  men, 
stood  sentry  over  it  at  £2  apiece.  One  voter  asked  £30 
for  a  site  on  which  to  plant  a  flag-staff,  but  came  down  to 
£2  ;  another  got  £3  for  ■  watching '  a  flag — the  '  watch- 
ing' consisting  in  * looking  at  it'  when  he  went  to  bed 
and  when  he  got  up.  One  influential  voter,  whose  an- 
nual rent  is  £46,  got  £84  for  the  use  of  five  rooms  of 
his  house  during  two  weeks.  One  man  sold  his  vote 
twice,  had  his  two  children  retained  as  messengers  at  £l 
each,  and  received  £l  for  his  services  in  i  walking  up  and 
down  the  street.'  There  were  some  230  messengers  em- 
ployed ;  among  them  were  boys  of  nine,  who  were  paid 
4s.  6d.  a  day.  One  snug  British  tradesman  appeared 
who  '  never  altered  his  opinions  —  when  there  was  an 
election  he  gave  one  vote  to  one  side  and  one  to  the  oth- 
er; all  he  wanted  was  to  speak  the  truth — he  did  not 
come  there  with  a  false  tongue.'  Another  impartially 
dressed  his  shop  in  blue,  distributed  Liberal  bills,  and  put 
blue  bows  on  his  children  for  one  week,  and  the  next 
hung  out  red  banners  on  his  outward  walls,  distributed 
Conservative  documents,  and  put  red  neckties  on  his 
children.  One  voter  grumbled  because  the  Commission- 
ers refused  to  allow  him  his  expenses  when  subpoenaed  a 


APPENDIX  IV.  139 

second  time  after  the  discovery  that  he  had  been  bribed 
twice,  but  had  said  nothing  about  the  second  bribery  in 
his  first  examination.  Another,  who  had  sold  himself 
for  £6,  clamored  for  5s.  for  loss  of  time  in  testifying  to 
his  shame.  Another,  a  journeyman  boat  -  builder,  de- 
manded first-class  travelling  expenses.  One  agent  swore 
to  having  received — from  ■  a  short,  dark  man '  whom  he 
did  not  know — a  sum  of  £1000  or  £1300;  when  re- 
called upon  the  discovery  that  the  amount  was  £1700  it 
came  out  that  there  had  been  *  such  a  rush  to  get  it '  that 
he  had  not  been  able  to  count  it  before  it  was  divided 
up.  In  all  about  900  of  the  1850  voters  swore  to  hav- 
ing been  bribed.  One  agent  declared  that  there  were 
not  300  persons  in  Deal  who  did  not  have  money,  that 
sixty  per  cent,  of  the  electors  were  venal,  and  that  things 
had  changed  since  the  old  times,  when  from  £20  to  £30 
was  paid  for  a  vote  to  a  limited  class  of  corrupt  electors, 
since  '  now  it  was  a  general  thing,  and  he  could  hardly 
go  into  a  house  but  the  people  asked  what  they  were  to 
have.'  If  money  was  one  side,  the  candidate  on  the  other 
would,  he  said,  stand  no  chance ;  and  besides  having  the 
money,  the  Conservatives  announced  that  if  they  were  de- 
feated they  would  never  contest  the  borough  again,  so 
that  the  residents,  terrified  at  this  prospect,  elected  Mr. 
Crompton-Roberts,  so  as  to  compel  the  Liberals  to  put 
him  out  at  the  next  election. 


140  APPENDIX  IV. 

"The  evidence  of  the  two  candidates  was  deeply  in- 
teresting. Sir  Julian  Goldsmid  said  that  on  going  to 
Sandwich  his  first  ominous  experience  was  hearing  the 
universal  remark :  *  We  were  afraid  we  were  not  going 
to  have  a  contest.'  The  Liberal  agent  told  him  it  would 
cost  about  £2500  to  carry  the  borough,  and  that  the 
custom  of  the  locality  was  to  pay  cash.  Sir  Julian  spent 
£2230,  or  nearly  thrice  the  amount  returned  to  Parlia- 
ment— the  bulk  of  it,  £1500,  being  furnished  by  a  con- 
tractor for  public  works  at  Rochester  and  Sheerness, 
who  said  that  he  had  '  generally  paid  Sir  Julian's  regis- 
tration expenses,  his  subscriptions  and  such  like.'  The 
money  was  sent  in  gold  on  a  verbal  message  delivered 
by  a  second  person,  and  was  given  to  a  third  person  with 
whom  the  contractor  was  not  acquainted,  and  who  merely 
signed  his  initials  to  an  unstamped  and  undated  receipt ! 
Sir  Julian  found  during  his  second  day's  canvassing  that 
the  Liberals  were  onlv  running  him  to  have  a  contest, 
and  intended  to  defeat  him;  that  the  amount  of  ficti- 
tious employment  was  '  enormous;'  that  tradesmen  were 
being  bought  on  all  sides  with  orders  for  goods;  that 
strangers  asked  him  in  the  streets  for  money — hence  he 
began  taking  notes  for  a  petition  before  the  election  had 
taken  place,  and  the  day  after  it  was  held  consulted  with 
his  friends,  who  declared  it  his  duty  to  the  public  to 
have  the  borough    disfranchised.      '  It    was   something 


APPENDIX  IV.  141 

dreadful,'  said  the  baronet,  *  to  have  to  go  through  what 
I  went  through,  and  ray  main  reason  for  petitioning  was 
that  no  other  candidate  should  be  placed  in  my  posi- 
tion.' He  was  threatened  with  personal  violence ;  one 
voter,  a  leading  Liberal,  declared  on  the  stand  before 
the  Commission  that  after  finding  out  how  '  mean '  his 
candidate  was  (in  pressing  the  petition)  he  would  gladly 
vote  to  have  him  drowned  !  It  was  offered  by  the  Con- 
servatives that  if  Sir  Julian  would  withdraw  the  petition 
and  save  the  place  from  risk  of  disfranchisement,  Mr. 
Crompton  -  Roberts  would  resign  and  Sir  Julian  would 
be  allowed  to  walk  over  for  the  vacancy,  and  be  paid 
his  expenses  at  both  elections  and  on  the  petition.  Mr. 
Foord,  the  contractor  already  alluded  to,  said  it  cost  him 
about  £560  a  year  for  party  expenses.  The  <£l500 
went  to  Sandwich  in  May ;  in  July  Sir  Julian  thanked 
him  for  sending  the  money  ;  in  September  he  said  he 
would  repay  it  shortly,  when  he  had  some  money  coming 
in,  and  Mr.  Foord  said,  '  Pay  when  you  like.'  October 
20th  Sir  Julian  sent  him  a  check,  but  the  check  had  not 
yet  been  put  through  the  bank. 

"  But,  oh,  what  a  delightful  witness  Mr.  Crompton- 
Roberts  was !  He  told  his  agent  that  it  was  hardly  fair 
to  Sir  Julian  to  engage  so  many  public-houses,  but  the 
agent  assured  him  that  there  would  be  enough  left  for 
the  Liberals.     He  told  his  agent  that  he  was  bothered 


142  APPENDIX  IV. 

by  people  catching  hold  of  him  in  the  street  and  asking 
if  they  might  not  have  some  flags,  and  the  agent  said, 
'  Flags  are  illegal,  and  I  cannot  authorize  any  until  the 
other  side  start  it.'  Hearing  that  Sir  Julian  was  to  be 
made  a  Forester,  Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  thought  he  '  had 
better  become  one  likewise  f  and  i  having  understood 
that  it  was  usual  for  new  members  to  stand  glasses 
round,  asked  the  President's  permission  to  order  them,' 
whereupon  Right  Worthy — or  whatever  it  is — Brother 
Goldsmid  remarked  that  that  was  ■  sailing  very  near  the 
wind,'  the  law  about  treating  being  very  rigid.  On  the 
Bank  Holiday  Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  gave  a  regatta,  at 
which  every  boat  got  a  money  prize,  and  the  townsfolk 
were  all  admitted  free  to  the  pier  to  see  it.  When  he 
heard  that  only  £20  would  be  expended  for  the  fireworks 
on  this  holiday,  Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  told  his  butler  that 
he  had  often  spent  more  than  that  for  fireworks  on  the 
birthday  of  one  of  his  children,  and  if  the  butler  feared 
the  display  was  going  to  be  shabby  he  was  to  add  what 
money  he  thought  necessary.  During  the  whole  time  he 
was  in  the  borough  Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  only  saw  *  one 
man  a  little  gone,'  and  he  was  '  astonished '  when  he  re- 
ceived the  petition  with  its  allegations.  He  could  not 
believe  them,  and  was  further  ' astonished'  when  his 
solicitor  informed  him  that  there  must  be  some  fire  where 
there  was  so  much  smoke.     The  Conservative  candidate 


APPENDIX  IV.  143 

asked  piteously  '  If  the  borough  was  to  be  won  by  illegal 
means,  why  was  I  made  to  work  harder  than  I  ever  did 
in  my  life  for  a  fortnight  ?  My  agent,  gentlemen,  had 
my  complete  confidence,  and  I  was  like  a  child  in  his 
hands.'  Poor  Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  had  to  go  round 
making  speeches  with  a  bit  off  of  the  top  of  one  of  his 
teeth,  which  made  it  agony  for  him  to  speak,  but  his  in- 
exorable agent  refused  to  let  him  stop,  and  declared  he 
was  going  to  carry  the  election  if  he  killed  the  candidate. 
Mr.  Crompton-Roberts  spent  £6500  on  the  election,  this 
sum  not  including  his  personal  expenses  or  his  petition 
costs,  and  thought  '  this  had  been  done  economically,  as 
he  had  always  thought  an  election  cost  something  like 
£10,000.'  It  is  but  just  to  say  that  he  scattered  much 
money  in  a  manner  that  was  ludicrous  rather  than  cor- 
rupt ;  he  '  tipped '  his  sons  lavishly ;  he  gave  money 
freely  to  personal  friends  in  gratitude  for  their  expres- 
sions of  hopefulness  and  sympathy  ;  and  he  forced  a  £20 
note  on  his  governess  for  showing  an  interest  in  his  can- 
didature. He  gave  £18  to  one  local  charity  and  £5  to 
another — the  Foresters'  Widow  and  Orphan  Fund ;  by- 
the-way,  his  ' glasses  round'  on  his  election  to  the  fra- 
ternity cost  him  £12.  His  house-keeper  was  liberal  in 
distributing  sums  of  from  2s.  to  105.  to  poor  people  who 
passed  his  house ;  his  chemist  got  one  order  of  £8  for 
soda-water  alone ;  it  took  four  butchers  and  five  poulter- 


144  APPENDIX  IV. 

ers  to  supply  the  family  with  meat  and  poultry.     Here 
are  some  extracts  from  his  canvassing-book : 

"  *  1.  W.  H. — Paralyzed ;  wants  help  to  get  change  of  air  and 
rides  out. 

"  '  2.  G.  M. — Wants  better  pension. 

" '  3.  D.  B. — Very  favorable,  but  poor. 

"  '  4.  T.  J. — Promised  ;  wants  a  little  drop. 

"  *  5.  J.  T. — Wants  liquoring. 

"  '  6.  W.  R.— Wants  cash. 

"  '  7.  G.  C. — Wants  much  assistance ;  had  much  illness  in  the 
house;  half  a  year's  rent  at  3s. =£3  18s. 

"  '  8.  J.  T. — Wife  wants  liquoring  up. 

"  '  9.  T.  H.  S. — Mother  wants  a  liquor  up. 

"  '  10.  G.  T. — Some  Brahee  sugar  powder. 

"'11.  T.  S. — Expenses  to  Ramsgate  to  be  paid;  can  bring  two 
others.' 

"When  examined  as  to  these  entertaining  entries,  Mr. 
Crompton-Roberts  declared  that  No.  1  '  made  that  state- 
ment, and  seemed  to  think  he  had  a  claim  ;'  that  he  told 
No.  2  he  had  no  right  to  ask  a  candidate  to  get  him  an 
increased  pension ;  that  the  note  about  No.  3  was  *  a 
statement  of  his  case,7  and  not  a  hint  about  corrupting 
him ;  that  No.  4  was  '  a  liquory  kind  of  fellow,'  and  so 


on." 


All  this  was  in  1880.  Every  one  familiar  with  Eng- 
lish history  is  more  or  less  acquainted  with  the  corrup- 
tion which  prevailed  in  the  earlier  days,  when,  in  his  will, 


APPENDIX  IV.  l*o 

the  Right  Hon.  George  Venables  made  a  bequest  of  five 
thousand  pounds  to  his  "dear  son-in-law  towards  the 
purchase  of  a  seat  in  Parliament ;"  when  elections  were 
openly  bought  and  sold ;  and  when,  for  instance,  one 
thousand  pounds  were  offered  for  a  single  vote,  as  was 
once  done  at  Malmesbury.  But  in  1880  better  things 
were  to  have  been  expected,  and  although  very  great 
improvements  had  been  made  on  the  election  methods 
and  morals  of  the  early  part  of  the  century,  corruption 
was  still  rife,  because  of  the  numberless  ways  of  cloak- 
ing it  which  were  offered  on  every  hand.  It  was  to 
cure  this  evil  that  Sir  Henry  James's  Act  was  passed. 
When  it  was  under  discussion  it  was  freely  predicted  that 
it  must  fail  of  its  purpose  because  the  evils  complained 
of  were  not  such  as  could  be  reached  by  legislation. 
How  admirably  the  law  has  succeeded,  however,  may  be 
seen  from  the  following  summary  of  the  official  returns 
of  election  expenses  for  1886,  published  in  the  Pall  Mall 
Gazette,  under  the  title  "  The  Cheapest  Election  on  Rec- 
ord :" 

u  The  official  return  showing  the  cost  of  the  election 
of  1886  which  has  just  been  published  is  drawn  up  in 
the  same  way,  and  shows  the  same  general  features  as 
the  similar  return  for  the  election  of  1885.  This  earlier 
return  was  analyzed  so  fully  in  our  columns  (September 
10 


146  APPENDIX  IV. 

6,  1886)  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Corrupt  Practices 
Act  that  we  need  not  dwell  on  this  matter  again.  It  will 
suffice  to  state  generally  that  every  conclusion  we  then 
drew  is  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  a  second  election 
under  the  Act.  The  expenses  have  been  reduced  all 
round  by  at  least  one-half ;  and  not  only  so,  but  as  a  rule 
those  who  pay  highest  no  longer  poll  heaviest.  On  the 
contrary,  it  would  probably  be  found  that  the  unsuccess- 
ful candidates  throughout  the  kingdom  spent  considera- 
bly more  than  the  elected  members.  This  is  notably  the 
case  in  Ireland,  where  Parnellites  generally  beat  their  op- 
ponents by  double  the  number  of  votes  and  at  half  the 
cost.  As  another  point  of  resemblance  between  this 
election  and  the  last,  we  may  notice  that  Northampton 
still  retains  its  honorable  position  of  being  the  cheapest 
seat  going ;  Mr.  Labouchere  and  Mr.  Bradlaugh  paid  only 
Qd.  a  vote — a  reduction  of  2d.  on  last  time. 

"  But  indeed  the  salient  feature  of  this  election 
throughout  on  the  financial  side  is  its  cheapness.  Before 
illustrating  this  point,  however,  in  detail,  we  may  give, 
in  the  same  form  as  on  the  last  occasion,  the  actual  fig- 
ures. The  following  table  is  compiled  from  the  Blue- 
boot;  in  the  '  total  expenses'  column  shillings  and  pence 
are  omitted  throughout — this  explains  the  apparent  in- 
accuracy in  the  totals : 


APPENDIX  IV. 


147 


Total 
Expenses. 

Cost 
per  Vote. 

Total 
Expenses. 

Cost 
per  Vote. 

England : 

Counties 

£ 
284,989 
203,331 
305 

s.     d. 
5     2 
3     1 

2     8 

£ 
488,626 

2f,056 
82,858 
25,544 

s.     d. 
4     0 

4  10 

4  n 

2     5 

Boroughs 

Universities 

Total  England 

Wales : 
Counties 

18,801 
8,255 

4  11 
4     6 

Boroughs 

Total  Wales 

Scotland : 

Counties 

55,629 

26,983 

245 

5     8 
3     3 

Universities 

Total  Scotland 

Ireland : 
Counties 

20,852 

4,142 

549 

2     5 
2     2 
2  10 

Boroughs 

Universities 

Total  Ireland 

Total  United  Kingdom 

•    •    • 

.... 

624,086 

4     0 

"  The  total  cost  of  electing  the  present  Parliament  was, 
it  will  thus  be  seen,  £624,086,  that  of  electing  the  last 
£1,026,645,  showing  a  decrease  of  over  £400,000.  This 
enormous  reduction  was,  however,  partly  due,  of  course, 
to  the  simple  fact  that  there  were  many  more  uncon- 
tested elections  in  1886  than  in  1885.  In  1885  there 
were  641  contests,  in  1886  only  442.  Now,  uncontested 
elections  do  not  cost  nothing,  but  they  cost  very  little. 
We  shall  not  be  far  wrong,  therefore,  if,  for  the  purpose 
of  comparison,  we  ignore  the  cost  in  these  cases,  and 


148 


APPENDIX  IV. 


bring  the  figures  of  the  two  elections  to  a  common  meas- 
ure on  the  basis  of  the  number  of  contests.  On  this 
showing  the  cost  of  the  1886  election  would — at  the  rate 
of  the  1885  one — have  been  £707,920  ;  it  was  £624,086 
— leaving  even  so  a  reduction  of  over  £80,000.  The  re- 
duction will  perhaps  be  brought  out  more  clearly  by  the 
following  comparative  table : 


Total  Cost. 

Average 
cost  per 
contest. 

Cost  per  vote. 

England. 

Wales. 

Scotland. 

Ireland. 

United 
Kingdom. 

1885.. 
1886.. 

£ 
1,026,645 
624,086 

£ 
1,601 
1,411 

s.    d. 
4     4 
4    0 

s.    d. 
5     7 
4  10 

s.     d. 
5     8 
4     1 

s.     d, 
2     9 
2     5 

s.     d. 
4     5 
4     0 

"  It  is  a  reduction,  it  will  be  seen,  of  about  10  per  cent, 
all  along  the  line.  Absolutely  and  relatively  to  the  num- 
ber of  contests  alike  the  election  of  1886  is  the  cheap- 
est on  record.  *  Unionists'  may  fairly  boast  that  al- 
though they  carried  the  Union  in  1800  by  bribery  and 
corruption,  they  'maintained'  it  in  1886  on  the  cheap." 

As  was  pointed  out  by  the  New  York  Evening  Post, 
the  most  significant  fact  disclosed  by  the  English  elec- 
tions of  1886  is  "  that  the  grand  total  of  expenditure  by 
candidates  is  only  a  little  more  than  one-half  of  the  grand 
total  allowed  by  the  law."  The  fact  is,  that  competi- 
tive expenditure,  as  it  exists  in  this  country  to-day,  must 
continue  because  of  the  essential  nature  of  all  competi- 


APPENDIX  IV.  149 

tion  of  this  kind  to  increase  the  outlay  of  all  candidates 
whatever  in  a  steady  progression.  Expenditure  begets 
expenditure ;  and  assuming  that  a  candidate  is  permitted 
to  spend  as  much  as  he  pleases,  his  competitors  will  al- 
ways be  impelled  to  spend  as  much  as  he  or  suffer  the 
consequences.  It  is  in  this  way  that  certain  districts  get 
hopelessly  debauched.  Thus,  when  Mr.  L.  P.  Morton 
first  ran  for  Congress  in  New  York  City,  his  district  was 
flooded  with  money;  and  when,  subsequently,  Mr.  Roswell 
P.  Flower  and  Mr.  W.  W.  Astor,  both  millionaires,  ran 
in  the  same  district,  the  competitive  expenditure  was  such 
as  to  produce  almost  complete  demoralization.  The  his- 
tory of  the  English  law  shows  that  where  the  permissible 
expenditure  is  limited  the  opposite  effect  is  produced, 
and  that  candidates  no  longer  being  allowed  to  test  their 
popularity  by  the  length  of  their  purses,  find  no  motive 
or  incentive  to  spend  even  the  moderate  sums  allowed 
by  law.  In  1880,  with  about  3,000,000  voters  in  419 
constituencies,  there  was  spent  over  £3,000,000  or  $15,- 
000,000  ;  while  in  1886,  with  an  increased  number  of  vot- 
ers, there  was  expended  but  £624,086,  or  about  $3,000,- 
000.  In  1880  ninety-five  petitions  alleging  corrupt  prac- 
tices were  presented,  while  only  two  were  presented  in 
1885  and  only  one  in  1886.  To  quote  the  New  York 
Nation,  referring  to  these  facts,  "  Corruption  in  politics 
has  been  practically  abolished,"     The  most  interesting 


150  APPENDIX  IV. 

fact  of  all,  however,  is  that  already  referred  to,  that  the 
expenditure  did  not  reach  the  permitted  limit ;  comment- 
ing on  which  fact  the  London  Daily  News  says,  "  The 
first  thing  which  they  (the  figures)  prove  is  the  complete 
success  of  Sir  Henry  James's  Act.  The  chief  feature  of 
that  Act  was  that  it  laid  down  a  maximum  expenditure, 
to  exceed  which  would  be  a  corrupt  practice  voiding 
the  seat.  The  experts  said  that  the  maximum  was 
placed  too  low — the  experience  of  the  last  election  dem- 
onstrates that,  as  usual,  the  experts  were  wrong,  and  that 
on  the  contrary  the  maximum  is  too  high.  It  would 
be  possible  to  reduce  by  at  least  one-fourth  the  sums  al- 
lowed by  law  without  in  any  way  starving  the  elections. 
There  are  very  few  cases  in  which  the  maximum  was 
reached." 


THE    END. 


AMERICAN  POLITICAL  IDEAS, 

Viewed  from  the  Standpoint  of  Universal  History.     By 
John  Fiske.    pp.  158.    12mo,  Cloth,  $1  00. 

Mr.  Fiske  is  one  of  the  few  Americans  who  is  ahle  to  exercise 
a  dispassionate  judgment  upon  questions  which  have  heen  the 
cause  of  quarrels  between  parties  and  sections.  Mr.  Fiske  has  a 
calm  way  of  considering  our  modern  ideas  from  the  standpoint 
of  universal  history. — N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 

We  know  of  no  treatise  concerning  American  history  which  is 
likely  to  exercise  larger  or  better  influence  in  leading  Americans  to 
read  between  the  lines  of  our  country's  annals.  *  *  *  The  little 
book  is  so  direct  and  simple  in  the  manner  of  its  presentation  of 
truth,  so  attractive  in  substance,  that  its  circulation  is  likely  to 
be  wide.  Its  appeal  is  as  directly  to  the  farmer  or  mechanic  as 
to  the  philosophic  student  of  politics  or  history. — N.  Y.  Commercial 
Advertiser. 

There  is  not  a  line  in  the  entire  work  which  is  not  laden  witn 
the  richest  fruits  of  a  trained  and  powerful  intellect. — Commercial 
Bulletin,  Boston. 

When  Mr.  Fiske  comes  to  discuss  American  history  by  the  com- 
parative method,  he  enters  a  field  of  special  and  vital  interest  to 
all  who  have  ever  taken  up  this  method  of  study.  Our  history,  as 
the  author  says,  when  viewed  in  this  broad  and  yet  impartial  way, 
acquires  a  new  dignity.  There  is  no  need  to  say  that  Mr.  Fiske's 
pages  are  worthy  of  the  most  careful  study. — Brooklyn  Union. 

From  this  point  of  view  the  consideration  of  the  political  ideas 
of  this  country  becomes  something  more  than  a  mere  study  of 
history ;  it  constitutes  a  page  of  philosophy,  a  social  study  of  the 
most  trauscendant  importance.  Such  is  the  spirit  with  which 
Prof.  Fiske  handles  his  subject.  He  shows  how  our  institutions 
have  grown  and  developed  from  the  past,  how  they  have  a  firm 
basis  in  nature,  and  how  they  must  develop  in  the  future.  The 
lectures  are  important  reading ;  they  are  also  pleasant  reading,  for 
the  literary  style  of  Prof.  Fiske  is  exceptionally  pure,  clear,  and 
graceful. — Boston  Gazette. 

A  volume  of  great  interest,  and  illustrates  very  happily  some  of 
the  fundamental  ideas  of  American  politics  by  setting  forth  their 
relations  to  the  general  history  of  mankind.  *  *  *  We  heartily 
commend  this  little  volume  to  such  of  our  readers  as  desire  to  en- 
large their  ideas  and  views  of  the  political  principles  underlying  the 
foundations  of  our  system  of  government. — Christian  at  Work,  N.  Y. 

Published  by  HARPER  &  BROTHER,  New  York. 

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CHARLES  NORDHOFFS  WORKS. 


POLITICS  FOR  YOUNG  AMERICANS.  By  Charles  Nordhoff.  16mo, 
Half  Leather,  75  cents  ;  Paper,  40  cents. 

It  is  a  book  that  should  be  in  the  hand  of  every  American  boy  and  girl,  This 
book  of  Mr.  Nordhoff's  might  be  learned  by  heart.  Each  word  has  its  value ; 
each  enumerated  section  has  its  pith.  It  is  a  complete  system  of  political  science, 
economical  and  other,  as  applied  to  our  American  system.— N.  Y.  Herald. 

CALIFORNIA :  A  Book  for  Travellers  and  Settlers.  By  Charles  Nord- 
hoff. A  New  Edition.  With  Maps  and  Illustrations.  8vo,  Cloth, 
$2  00. 

Mr.  Nordhoff's  plan  is  to  see  what  is  curious,  important,  and  true,  and  then  to 
tell  it  in  the  simplest  manner.  Herodotus  is  evidently  his  prototype.  Strong 
sense,  a  Doric  truthfulness,  and  a  very  earnest  contempt  for  anything  like  pre- 
tension or  sensationalism,  and  an  enthusiasm  none  the  less  agreeable  because 
straitened  in  its  expression,  are  his  qualities. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post. 

THE  COMMUNISTIC  SOCIETIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES;  from 
Personal  Visit  and  Observation :  including  Detailed  Accounts  of  the 
Economists,  Zoarites,  Shakers ;  the  Amana,  Oneida,  Bethel,  Aurora, 
Icarian,  and  other  Existing  Societies ;  their  Religious  Creeds,  Social 
Practices,  Numbers,  Industries,  and  Present  Condition.  By  Charles 
Nordhoff.     Illustrated.     8vo,  Cloth,  $4  00. 

Mr.  Nordhoff  has  derived  his  materials  from  personal  observation,  having  vis- 
ited the  principal  Communistic  societies  in  the  United  States,  and  taken  diligent 
note  of  the  peculiar  features  of  their  religious  creed  and  practices,  their  social  and 
domestic  customs,  and  their  industrial  and  financial  arrangements.  *  *  *  With  his 
exceptionally  keen  powers  of  perception,  and  his  habits  of  practised  observation, 
he  could  not  engage  in  such  an  inquiry  without  amassing  a  fund  of  curious 
information.  In  stating  the  results  of  his  investigations,  he  writes  with  exem- 
plary candor  and  impartiality,  though  not  without  the  exercise  of  just  and  sound 
discrimination. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

CAPE  COD  AND  ALL  ALONG  SHORE:  STORIES.  By  Charles  Nord- 
hoff.    12mo,  Cloth,  $1  50;  4to,  Paper,  15  cents. 

Light,  clever,  well-written  sketches. — N.  Y.  Times. 

A  lively  and  agreeable  volume,  full  of  humor  and  incident.— Boston  Transcript, 

GOD  AND  THE  FUTURE  LIFE.  The  Reasonableness  of  Christianity. 
By  Charles  Nordhoff.     ]6mo,  Cloth,  $1  00. 

Mr.  Nordhoff's  object  is  not  so  much  to  present  a  religious  system  as  to  give 
practical  and  sufficient  reasons  for  every-day  beliefs.  He  writes  strongly,  clearly, 
and  in  the  vein  that  the  people  understand.— Boston  Herald. 


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BY  ALBERT    STICKNEY. 


DEMOCRATIC  GOVERNMENT.    A  Study  of  Politics. 
By  Albert  Stickney.     pp.  170.     12mo,  Cloth,  $1  00. 

It  has  the  merit  of  independent,  earnest,  and  original  conviction.  It  is 
throughout  thoroughly  American,  and  shows  the  democratic  training  that 
has  made  New  England  life  so  forceful  in  all  parts  of  this  country. . . .  The 
book  will  arouse  interest  because  of  its  freshness  and  evident  and  sensible 
patriotism. — Philadelphia  Times. 

Mr.  Stickney  is  thoroughly  convinced  that  our  present  Constitution  does 
not  meet  the  requirements  of  this  nation,  and  his  reasons  for  so  thinking 
he  has  given  with  great  energy  and  clearness.  .  .  .  Mr.  Stickney  is  an 
unusually  stimulating  and  suggestive  writer. — Rochester  Democrat  and 
Chronicle. 

The  exposition  of  the  evil  of  professional  politicians,  of  ring  rule  poli- 
tics, and  of  divided  responsibility  should  be  read  by  every  citizen. — JV".  Y. 
Herald. 

It  is  the  aim  of  this  volume  to  show  that  there  is  a  remedy,  and  that 
this  is  in  simply  returning  to  a  truly  popular  representative  government. 
.  .  .  The  volume  will  surely  be  accepted  as  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
political  thought  of  the  time. — N.  Y.  Times. 

A  clear,  vigorous  discussion  of  practical  politics.  ...  It  is  one  of  many 
signs  that  people  are  thinking  to  the  point,  as  well  as  a  help  to  students 
to  formulate  their  own  vague  notions. — Atlantic  Monthly,  Boston. 

An  intelligently  and  forcibly  considered  study  in  politics,  deals  temper- 
ately, justly,  vigorously,  and  from  the  stand-point  of  a  consistent  and  con- 
scientious Democrat,  with  the  principles,  precepts,  and  practice  of  democ- 
racy in  its  intended  purity  and  impartial  administration  of  justice. — New 
Orleans  Times- Democrat. 

A  TRUE  REPUBLIC.     By  Albert  Stickney.    12mo, 

Cloth,  $1  00. 

Mr.  Stickney  writes  well  and  forcibly,  and  some  of  his  propositions  are 

undeniably  true His  elegantly  made  and  interesting  book  will  be  classed 

with  the  Utopia  of  Sir  Thomas  More  and  the  Republic  of  Plato. — N.  Y. 
Evening  Mail. 

Mr.  Stickney's  book  will  be  found  very  suggestive.  He  sketches  the 
different  kinds  of  government  people  have  lived  under,  and  reviews  our 
own.  Every  thinking  American  should  read  it. — N.  Y,  Commercial  Ad- 
vertiser, 

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NEWCOMB'S  POLITICAL  ECONOMY. 


PRINCIPLES     OF    POLITICAL    ECONOMY.       By 

Simon  Newcomb,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Mathematics, 
U.  S.  Navy,  Professor  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity, Author  of  "  Popular  Astronomy,"  &c.  pp.  xvi., 
548.     8vo,  Cloth,  $2  50. 

Nothing  so  good  is,  that  we  know  of,  to  be  found  elsewhere.  Every  sec- 
tion, we  might  almost  say  every  page,  abounds  in  instruction. . .  .  The  book 
should  be  more  than  read ;  it  should  be  carefully  studied,  and  students  who 
make  themselves  masters  of  the  problems  set  for  them  in  the  illustrations 
and  exercises  interspersed  among  the  chapters  would  know  more  of  the 
subject  than  many  of  the  avowed  professors  of  the  science  in  our  colleges. 
— N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser. 

It  is  timely,  useful,  and  invaluable.  The  questions  considered  are  now 
before  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  for  their  decision.  More  valuable 
help  than  that  afforded  by  this  volume  towards  a  complete  understanding 
of  these  questions  and  towards  conclusions  that  will  promote  national 
prosperity,  is  not  to  be  found. —  Christian  Intelligencer \  N.  Y. 

In  the  present  volume  Professor  Newcomb  has  directed  his  great  powers 
of  analysis  to  the  difficult  subject  of  political  economy.  Whatever  such  a 
man  says  about  anything  he  never  fails  to  make  clear.  The  reader  of  this 
exposition  of  a  science  little  understood  will  never  have  the  slightest  doubt 
of  Professor  Newcomb's  meaning. — N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 

In  a  broad  and  profound  consideration  of  the  subject  on  both  its  scien- 
tific and  practical  side;  in  an  engaging  candor,  a  mathematical  clearness 
and  precision,  and  a  weighty  grasp  of  the  great  subject  and  its  relations, 
no  previous  work  on  political  economy  can  compare  with  this  by  Dr.  New- 
comb.— Boston  Evening  Traveller. 

The  merit  of  Professor  Newcomb's  treatment  consists  in  thorough 
knowledge  and  mastery  of  the  subject,  in  its  freedom  from  partisanship, 
its  simple  and  clear  logical  statement  and  apt  illustration,  and  in  its  gen- 
eral suggestiveness  to  the  reader  to  inquire  and  think  for  himself  from 
what  is  given  him.  Through  this  combination  of  essentials  to  instruction 
and  independent  investigation  it  has  the  power  to  accomplish  more  than 
any  other  work. — Boston  Globe. 


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CAIMES'S  WOBKS  ON  POLITICAL  ECONOMY. 


SOME  LEADING  PRINCIPLES  OF  POLITICAL 
ECONOMY  NEWLY  EXPOUNDED.  By  J.  E. 
Cairnes,  LL.D.,  late  Emeritus  Professor  of  Political 
Economy  in  University  College,  London.  Crown  8vo, 
Cloth,  $2  50. 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  that  we  welcome  another  contribution  to  Po- 
litical Economy  from  the  ablest  living  representative  of  the  school  of 
Ricardo  and  Mill.  Mr.  Cairnes  aims  at  restating  and  modifying  some  of 
the  doctrines  which  have  hitherto  passed  muster  as  established  principles. 
He  brings  to  the  task  a  remarkable  power  of  sustained  and  accurate 
thought  upon  topics  which  are  apt  to  bewilder  an  ordinary  brain,  and  a 
capacity  for  lucid  expression  which  is  hardly  less  rare  and  admirable. — 
Saturday  Review,  London. 

It  not  only  throws  new  light  on  some  of  the  most  important  problems 
of  the  science,  but  it  entirely  recasts  the  theory  of  cost  of  production,  and 
thereby  clears  away,  to  a  great  extent,  the  mists  and  fogs  by  which  the 
doctrines  of  international  trade  and  international  values  are  surrounded. 
. . .  The  most  important  contribution  which  political  economy  has  received 
for  many  years. — Athenceum,  London. 

THE  CHARACTER  AND  LOGICAL  METHOD  OF 
POLITICAL  ECONOMY.  By  J.  E.  Cairnes,  LL.D. 
12mo,  Cloth,  $1  50. 

Mr.  Cairnes  has  rendered  a  great  service  to  the  literature  of  political 
economy  in  bringing  out  a  second  and  greatly  enlarged  edition  of  this  re- 
markable work.  The  present  volume  has  received  so  many  and  such  val- 
uable additions  that  it  will  be  read  with  almost  as  much  interest  as  if  it 
were  an  entirely  new  work.  The  general  purpose  of  the  book,  which  is  to 
show  that  the  deductive  method  is  that  which  should  be  adopted  in  the 
pursuit  of  economic  investigations,  is  dealt  with  by  Mr.  Cairnes  in  a  most 
masterly  and  conclusive  manner. — Examiner,  London. 

The  lucidity  and  logical  coherence  of  Professor  Cairnes's  writings  render 
them  admirable  text-books  for  students,  as  well  as  useful  for  more  mature 
thinkers. — Saturday  Review,  London. 

No  economical  writer  in  England  has,  since  Mill,  commanded  so  much 
of  public  attention  and  respect. — Nation,  N.  Y. 


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THE  RAILWAYS  AND  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  Railways  and  the  Republic.     By  James  F.  Hud- 
son.    8vo,  Cloth,  $2  00. 

This  book  is  of  absorbing  interest  to  every  American,  if  only  as  a  con- 
tribution to  contemporary  history.  The  facts  concerning  the  railway  sys- 
tem, which  he  has  compiled  with  great  industry,  will  be  more  novel  and 
more  surprising  to  most  readers  than  any  narrative  of  party  struggles  in 
Great  Britain  or  of  Russian  aggression  in  Asia.  Many  writers  have  given 
glowing  descriptions  of  the  growth  of  railways,  of  the  ingenuity  and  energy 
which  have  built  them  up,  and  of  their  services  to  civilization,  showing 
how  they  add  efficiency  to  productive  industry,  improve  and  enlarge  our 
national  resources,  and  overcome  the  narrowness  of  local  and  provincial 
life  by  diffusing  a  broad  national  spirit.  But  Mr.  Hudson,  while  recog- 
nizing the  full  force  of  these  familiar  thoughts,  examines  the  subject  from 
another  point  of  view,  and  finds  in  it  one  of  the  gravest  social  and  political 
problems  which  ever  confronted  a  great  people.  He  shows  that  the  rail- 
way corporations  have  acquired  and  now  exercise  a  power  over  trade  and 
industry  such  as  no  government,  however  despotic,  ever  dared  to  usurp ; 
that  the  managers  of  the  roads,  by  their  secret  and  irresponsible  control 
of  rates,  became  the  arbiters  of  success  or  failure  in  mining,  manufactures, 
and  commerce;  that  they  can  thus  acquire  unearned  fortunes  for  them- 
selves, and  can  largely  dictate  the  distribution  of  wealth  in  society  at  large 
according  to  their  caprice  or  favor,  and  without  regard  to  industry,  enter- 
prise, or  merit.  He  describes  in  detail  the  process  by  which  these  powers 
have  been  used  in  several  typical  instances  to  neutralize  the  laws  of  trade, 
to  destroy  the  natural  advantages  of  particular  places,  to  ruin  whole  groups 
of  independent  competitors,  and  even  to  build  up  actual  monopolies.  His 
account  of  the  rise  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company  by  the  aid  of  discrimina- 
tions made  in  its  favor  by  the  "  Trunk  Line"  railroads,  until  from  one 
among  many  refiners  of  petroleum  it  has  become  absolute  master  of  the 
trade  in  this  staple,  is  the  romance  of  a  career  of  conquest  in  business  not 
less  marvellous  than  was  Hannibal's  in  war.  He  explains  how  the  rapid 
development  of  agriculture  in  the  Western  States,  with  advancing  values 
of  lands,  has  been  coincident  with  a  decline  of  the  same  interest  in  the 
Eastern  and  Middle  States,  and  an  actual  decrease  in  the  value  of  farms, 
as  the  direct  result  of  the  persistent  discrimination  of  the  railroads  against 
"local  freights."  He  sketches  the  history  of  "pooling"  among  the  rail- 
roads, from  its  origin  in  the  combination  of  two  or  three  parallel  lines  to 
destroy  their  mutual  competition,  down  to  the  audacious  and  magnificent 
scheme  by  which  it  is  now  proposed  to  subject  all  the  great  highways  of 
the  nation  to  the  dominion  of  a  secret  commercial  oligarchy.  He  proves 
clearly  that  if  such  a  conspiracy  is  successful,  it  will  have  the  power  to 
subjugate  and  rigidly  monopolize  other  branches  of  trade  far  more  impor- 
tant than  that  in  oil. 


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WHAT  SOCIAL  CLASSES  OWE 
TO  EACH  OTHER. 

By  William  Graham  Sumner,  Professor  of  Political  and 
Social  Science  in  Yale  College.     16mo,  Cloth,  60  cents. 

There  is  no  page  of  the  book  that  is  not  weighty  with  meaning. 
The  argument  that  runs  through  it  is  like  a  chain,  strongly  weld- 
ed, link  on  to  link.  *  *  *  Prof.  Sumner  gives  clear,  pointed,  and 
powerful  utterance  to  much  social  and  political  wisdom.  The 
teaching  of  the  book  is  just  of  that  sort  which  is  most  needed  by 
the  young  America  of  to-day. — Boston  Commonwealth. 

The  conclusions  he  reaches  are  substantially  unanswerable.  *  *  * 
No  more  important  doctrine  than  this  can  well  be  proclaimed,  and 
our  country  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  whoever  will  proclaim 
it  in  the  sturdy  style  of  this  book.  We  need  not  despair  of  the 
Republic  while  our  young  men  are  fed  upon  such  meat  as  this. 
Whether  they  adopt  his  conclusions  or  not,  they  cannot  fail  to  be 
stimulated  by  his  reasoning. — The  Nation,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  Sumner  has  selected  a  subject  of  great  interest  and  impor- 
tance, and  has  treated  it  with  ingenuity,  penetration,  and  original- 
ity, and  in  a  plain,  homely,  pungent,  and  effective  style. — Brooklyn 
Union. 

His  little  book  is  full  of  excellent  maxims  of  conduct  formed  on 
the  manly  principle  of  doing  hard  work  and  letting  everybody 
have  a  fair  chance.  *  *  *  These  eleven  short  chapters  are  undoubt- 
edly the  ablest  of  recent  contributions  to  matters  on  which  much 
unprofitable  ink  is  spent. — N.  Y,  Times. 

This  volume  contains  a  most  instructive  discussion  of  certain 
economic  questions  which  are  of  living  interest  touching  upon  the 
duties  of  the  State  to  classes  or  individuals  embraced  in  it. — Boston 
Globe. 

The  style  is  bright  and  racy,  and  the  argument  is  allowed  to  lose 
none  of  its  force  by  the  use  of  technical  terms.  The  book  is  sug- 
gestive, and  will  be  found  helpful  to  those  who  desire  to  reach  cor- 
rect conclusions  on  subjects  of  practical  importance. — Christian  at 
Work,  N.  Y. 

Prof.  Sumner  has  enforced  in  very  few  and  very  simple  words 
some  of  the  most  important  and  most  neglected  principles  of  polit- 
ical and  social  economy ;  has  exposed,  with  temperate  but  none  the 
less  telling  sarcasm,  the  most  absurd  but  not  least  popular  crotchets 
of  modern  philanthropic  enthusiasm. — Saturday  Review,  London. 


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VALUABLE  WORKS  ON  POLITICAL  SCIENCE, 


FISH'S  PARLIAMENTARY  LAW.  American  Manual  of 
Parliamentary  Law ;  or,  The  Common  Law  of  Deliberative 
Assemblies.  Systematically  Arranged  for  the  Use  of  the 
Parliamentarian  and  the  Novice.  By  George  T.  Fish. 
16mo,  Cloth,  50  cents;  Leather  Tucks,  $1  00. 

NEWCOMB'S  A  B  C  OF  FINANCE.  The  ABC  of  Fi- 
nance ;  or,  The  Money  and  Labor  Questions  Familiarly  Ex- 
plained to  Common  People,  in  Short  and  Easy  Lessons. 
By  Simon  Newcomb,  LL.D.     32mo,  Paper,  25  cents. 

GUERNSEY'S  THE  WORLD'S  OPPORTUNITIES.  The 
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ECONOMICS  FOR  THE  PEOPLE.  Being  Plain  Talk  on 
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en's Reading  Classes.  By  R.  R.  Bowker.  pp.  vi.,  280.  16mo,  Cloth, 
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ture can  boast.— Beacon,  Boston. 

A  clear  and  concise  manual,  written  with  commendable  fairness.— N.  Y.  Sun. 

POLITICS  FOR  YOUNG  AMERICANS.  By  Charles  Nord- 
hoff,  Author  of  "God  and  the  Future  Life,"  &c.  pp.  200.  16mo, 
Half  Leather,  75  cents  ;  Paper,  40  cents. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find,  indeed,  a  safer  guide  for  a  young  man  getting 
ready  to  "cast  his  first  ballot." — Nation,  N.  Y. 

It  is  a  book  that  should  be  in  the  hand  of  every  American  boy  and  girl.  The 
book  of  Mr.  Nordhoff  might  be  learned  by  heart.  Each  word  has  its  value ; 
each  enumerated  section  has  its  pith.  It  is  a  complete  system  of  political  science, 
economical  and  other,  as  applied  to  our  American  system.— xV.  Y.  Herald. 

BL AIKIE'S  HOW  TO  GET  STRONG.  How  to  Get  Strong,  and 
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OATS  OR  WILD-OATS  ?  Common-sense  for  Young  Men.  By 
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The  volume  is  well  adapted  to  give  the  kind  of  knowledge  which  a  young 
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plainly,  but  discreetly. — S.  S.  Times. 

We  commend  it  to  all  young  men  as  bracing  to  the  moral  sense  and  stimulating 
to  the  mind. — Examiner,  N.  Y. 

GOD  AND  THE  FUTURE  LIFE.  The  Reasonableness  of  Chris- 
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Americans,"  &c.     pp.  228.     16mo,  Cloth,  $1  00. 

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honesty  in  all  things,  and  is  really  sound  to  the  core. — Philadelphia  Times. 

Thoughtful,  profound,  and  lucid.  .  .  .  Simple  in  its  form  and  written  so  as  to 
be  understood  by  children,  the  volume  is  one  of  the  most  powerful  arguments 
against  doubt  and  infidelity  that  has  lately  appeared. — Hartford  Courant. 


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Common-sense  for  Young  Men.   By  J.  M.  Buckley,  LL.D. 

pp.  xiv.,  306.     12mo,  Cloth,  $1  50. 

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the  like,  may  be  read  and  re-read  many  times  with  advantage. — Brooklyn 
Union. 

A  book  which  should  be  recommended  to  the  consideration  of  every 
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zen. .  .  .  Dr.  Buckley  knows  the  trials  and  the  temptations  to  which 
young  men  are  exposed,  and  his  book,  while  written  in  most  agreeable 
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ecdotes and  by  examples  which  the  author  has  observed  or  heard  of  in 
his  own  experience.  Besides  general  advice,  there  are  especial  chapters 
relating  to  professional,  commercial,  and  other  occupations.  So  good  a 
book  should  be  widely  distributed,  and  it  will  tell  on  the  next  generation. 
— Philadelphia  Bulletin. 

It  is  a  model  manual,  and  will  be  as  interesting  to  a  bright,  go-ahead 
boy  as  a  novel. — Philadelphia  Record. 

The  scheme  of  the  book  is  to  assist  young  men  in  the  choice  of  a 
profession  or  life  pursuit  by  explaining  the  leading  principles  and  char- 
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what  his  experiences  are  likely  to  be,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  make  an 
intelligent  selection  among  the  many  avenues  of  labor.  In  order  to  make 
his  work  accurate  and  comprehensive,  Dr.  Buckley  has  consulted  mer- 
chants, lawyers,  statesmen,  farmers,  manufacturers,  men  in  all  walks  of 
life,  and  specialists  of  every  description,  visiting  and  examining  their  es- 
tablishments, offices,  and  studios.  From  the  knowledge  thus  gained  he 
has  prepared  the  greater  part  of  his  book  The  remainder  is  given  to 
general  advice,  and  contains  the  old  maxims  familiar  to  all  young  men 
from  the  time  of  Poor  Richard.  Success  is  won  by  good  behavior,  intelli- 
gence, and  industry.  These  are  the  "  Oats."  The  "  Wild  Oats  "  of  lazi- 
ness, carelessness,  and  dissipation  bring  ruin,  disaster,  and  misery.  The 
work  is  likely  to  attract  readers  from  its  practical  value  as  a  compendium 
of  facts  relating  to  the  various  departments  of  labor  rather  than  on  ac- 
count of  its  moral  injunctions.  It  cannot  help  being  very  useful  to  the 
class  of  young  men  for  whom  it  is  intended,  as  also  to  parents  who  have 
boys  to  start  out  into  the  world. — N.  Y.  Times. 


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